SOLDIERS

KING PHILIP'S WAR

A CRITICAL ACCOUNT OF THAT WAR

A CONCISE HISTORY OF THE INDIAN WARS OF NEW ENGLAND FROM 1620-1677

OFFICIAL LISTS OF THE SOLDIERS OF MASSACHUSETTS COLONY

SERVING IN PHILIP'S WAR, AND SKETCHES OF THE PRINCIPAL

OFFICERS, COPIES OF ANCIENT DOCUMENTS AND

RECORDS RELATING TO THE WAR

LISTS OF THE NARRAGANSET GRANTEES OF THE UNITED

COLONIES

MASSACHUSETTS, PLYMOUTH, AND CONNECTICUT WITH AN APPENDIX

BY

GEORGE MADISON BODGE, A.B.

\ i

MEMBER OF THE NEW ENGLAND HISTORIC-GENEALOGICAL SOCIETY, AND CHAPLAIN OF THE MASSACHUSETTS SOCIETY OF COLONIAL WARS

LEOMINSTER, MASS.

PRINTED FOR THE AUTHOR 1896

Copyright, 1896

GEORGE MADISON BODGE

THIS BOOK WAS PRINTED BY THE ROCKWELL AND CHURCHILL PRESS BOSTON ******* M DCCC XCVI

5

TO

MR. JOHN WARD DEAN,

AT WHOSE SUGGESTION THIS WORK WAS AT FIRST UNDERTAKEN,

AND TO WHOSE KINDLY ADVICE AND

HELPFUL INTEREST

IS LARGELY DUE ITS MEASURE OF SUCCESS,

£$i0 (ttofume

IS AFFECTIONATELY INSCRIBED

BY THE AUTHOR.

PREFACE.

THE principal purpose of the author, in preparing this volume, has been the presentation of a concise and accurate account of the events of the Indian wars in New England, with lists of offi cers, soldiers, military committees, scouts, and others engaged therein, as full and correct as possible. Material has been drawn from all available sources, viz. : The official records of the three colonies, Massachusetts, Plymouth, and Connecticut; Rhode Island, as a non-combatant community, not being counted into the league. In addition rto these sources, the Colonial Ar chives have been diligently searched for unpublished documents, as well as the Registry, Probate, and Court Records, and documents of the several counties. I have consulted all known published histories and accounts of the early times : Bradford, the Mortons, Prince, and Winthrop ; with diaries and " personal accounts," — like those published by Capt. John Mason, Capt. John Under bill, Lieut. Lion Gardener, P. Vincent, and others, together with later historians, — Hubbard, the Mathers, father and son, and later yet, and of less authority, those like Benjamin Church. Then again Town and Church Records, family bibles, and local traditions have all been noted, and brought to give evidence.

The basis, however, of the main body of the work, the services of the soldiers in Philip's War, is drawn from the ancient account- books of Mr. John Hull, Treasurer-at-war of Massachusetts Colony, from 1675-1678.

A word of explanation concerning these precious old books may be in order here. In former times the books and papers kept by public officers were retained by them, at the close of their official terms, as their private property. It is not known just how these books were handed down, but the Journal, the most important, was discovered in the possession of Dr. John Gilbert, of Boston,

PREFACE.

by Mr. Isaac Child, and at his suggestion, kindly transferred to the New England Historic Genealogical Society, about fifty years ago. Two Ledgers, belonging to the same set of accounts, were acquired by the same society later, and have since been pre served in their safe, with many other precious documents. The old Journal was in a dilapidated condition when found by Mr. Child, and the society employed him to repair and index the volume, which he did with great patience and skill. Many parts of the book are now almost illegible, and few except experts can reconstruct the names ; while other parts are as plain as on the day of writing. This Journal contains accounts of debt and credit with everybody who had any dealing with the Colony of Massachusetts in relation to the war of 1675-78. The pages of the Journal, after the first and up to the fourteenth, are missing, but the first Ledger, fortunately, covers these pages so that it is possible to restore them entire. The first accounts show the names of those who furnished money, means, and material for the war. Then follow the individual accounts of the officers, soldiers, and others of every class, who served the Colony in this war, under the general account, " Military Service." These credits show that every soldier, on presenting himself to the pay master, must produce a certificate of service, or "debenture," signed by his commanding officer. Mr. Hull's system of book keeping was a quaint sort of " double-entry," or " mixed-method." It was very exhaustive, giving to every species of transaction a separate ledger account, as well as to every individual mentioned in the Journal. Some of these accounts are very curious and suggestive, for instance : " Bisket," " Liquors," " Ammunission," "Wast-Coats and Drawers," "Tobaco & Pipes," "Wounded Men," "Contingencies," "Woolves," "Quakers," "Captives," " Distressed-Dutchmen," " Scalpes," " Perquisites," " Queries." Many pages are lost from the last part of this book, while the time covered by the part left is much the most important of the war. The Journal accounts extend from June 25, 1675, to Sep tember 23, 1676. The first Ledger, beginning with the above Journal, contains now two-hundred and twenty double pages, on which is posted about half the matter in the Journal accounts. Both these books must have been originally much larger than at present. There is a later mixed Journal-Ledger, covering the years 1677 and 1678, in part, and indicating a closing-up of the

PREFACE. Vll

war accounts. Further explanation is given on page 446 of this volume.

In searching these books for the name of one who served in the Indian war, the present writer discovered the importance of the accounts in the matter of the Indian war of 1675. Every soldier who served in that war is credited with military service, and the name of the officer under whom or the garrison at which he served is given in the credit. The date at which payment is made is given in the " Cash " account, but the time and place of service is not designated, nor is the residence or any further information about the soldier given. Some of the soldiers served at different times and under different officers. The best method therefore of arranging the men in companies was found to be that of following the names of the officers as they occur in the credits. The names were thus gathered from the Journal, and placed in companies with their officers. Then the fortunes of each com pany were followed as carefully as possible throughout the sev eral campaigns of the war. But it was found that a great amount of unpublished material is still preserved in our State Archives, County and Town Records, and elsewhere ; and this, in the light of the great number of names identified in these credits as soldiers, becomes available and interesting as history. Additional material has been gathered and incorporated here from all sources, whenever it would add to the sum of knowledge concerning the war.

The officers and soldiers, many of them, served in several, some in all, the different campaigns ; and thus, in following their fortunes, it was necessary to go over the same events many times, so as to marshal the various companies in order in the military operations.

It will be seen that by this method of arrangement a great amount of important material has been massed together con veniently for the study of history, while the story of the war has not been followed by consecutive events, but according to the experience of individual officers and companies. This incon venience has been obviated by the preparation of the Introductory Chapter, which presents the course of events in consecutive order.

The first edition of the work was published in 1892, and soon exhausted. By numerous applications for the book, and by the

viii PREFACE.

advice of many who knew the value of the work, I decided to issue a second edition, though this involved the expense of reprinting the volume entire. Contemplating at first only the reissue of the former work, I expected that two months would be sufficient time to complete the matter. I soon saw, however, the opportunity to immensely increase the value of the book by including, in the Introductory Chapter, an account of the Indian wars of New England from the beginning. The time and labor involved in this addition are not seen in the result, but my readers will be saved much time and perplexity by the matter here gathered.

In revising and recasting the former work, I corrected all proof by original documents, and was delighted to find that very few corrections were needed. Having in mind the new demand for critical accuracy imposed by the growing interest in American genealogy and biography, and especially in the patriotic societies, like the " Society of Colonial Wars," I have spared no pains to make my book absolute!}7" correct. I have tested the lists of names, the dates, and other matter, from Hull's accounts, and am confident that they are entirely accurate. I have realized the importance of absolute accuracy here, since any one who can trace descent from one of these who are credited with military service, has an indisputable claim to membership in the above- named society.

Much new material has been added in the body of the work, besides the new chapters at the end. The footnotes from the former edition have been mostly embodied in the text. The lists of the Narraganset Grantees have been collected by me after a diligent research extending over many years. The old Proprietors' Records are widely scattered, and several are in private hands, but, with one exception, my lists are copied directly from the original, and that list, — " Narraganset No. 1," was copied and published by such a careful hand, and is so fully confirmed by Hull's credits, that I consider it of the highest authority. These lists form an entirely new department, while logically following the previous story of the great war of 1675-7.

There is no doubt that Plymouth and Connecticut Colonies had treasurers' accounts, like these of Massachusetts, and it is an irreparable loss to history that none are found preserved. In order to remedy this defect in a slight degree I have tried to

PREFACE. IX

gather items relating to the wars in those colonies from every available source. The " Voluntown lists " of Connecticut, and those of Numbers 4 and 7 of Massachusetts, relating to Plymouth Colony, will be found important additions.

Into the Appendix, as well as the " list of later credits," I have tried to crowd all items bearing directly upon the Indian wars of New England, in order to make my volume complete in itself. I have given the lists of governors and deputy-governors of the three colonies from 1620 to 1687. The " triple alliance " for war with the Indians shut out the Rhode Island Colony, " on doctrinal grounds," so that she won no glory in the war save that which crowns the " Good Samaritan."

The Indexes have been prepared with utmost care for the convenience and help of the readers, but no extended analysis of the relations of names has been attempted. Cross-references have been made in cases where the relation might not be readily noted.

My new volume has grown to nearly one hundred pages beyond the first promise to my subscribers, with an added expense of several hundred dollars and a delay of some six months. I am consoled by the thought that my present loss is to be a permanent gain to my readers.

In the course of my labors I have received encouragement and kindly assistance from many, some of whose names are mentioned in connection with special favors : To Mr. John Ward Dean and Mr. W. P. Greenlaw, of the New England Historic Genealogical Society ; Dr. Samuel A. Green, Mr. Charles J. Hoadly, Mr. J. C. J. Brown, Hon. George Sheldon, Mr. H. E. Waite, Mr. Walter K. Watkins, Capt. Philip Reade, Mr. Seymour Morris, Mr. Rowland Pell, and many others, I wish here to renew the assurance of my appreciation of their courtesy and kindness. To the members of my own family, too, for their continued patient help, my word of appreciation may properly be spoken here ; and especially along these pages I shall always find familiar traces of the faith ful " vanished hand " of my beloved daughter, May Alice Bodge, whose loving earthly service closed just before this volume was completed. And to the advance subscribers, who have responded with such ready interest to my prospectus, I wish to say that my own satisfaction with the volume will be measured largely by the satisfaction and help which they receive from it.

PREFACE.

One other element of satisfaction will enter into my enjoyment of the completed work : I have been able, in the course of it, to settle some disputed questions by the discovery of new testi mony, to assign to their proper places of honor some of the old- time leaders, and to do some measure of tardy justice to many a brave and true but long-forgotten name, by summoning again, from their two centuries of oblivion, these dusky battalions of the "First American Army," and marshalling them, "roster, rank, and file," upon the permanent page of American history.

GEORGE M. BODGE.

LEOMINSTER, MASS., August 10, 1896.

CONTENTS.

INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER.

PAGE

GIVING A CONCISE HISTORY OF THE INDIAN WARS IN

NEW ENGLAND, 1620-1677 1

CHAPTER I. BEGINNING OF HOSTILITIES, CAPT. HENCHMAN'S COMPANY, 45

CHAPTER II. CAPT. SAMUEL MOSELY AND HIS COMPANY .... 59

CHAPTER III. CAVALRY COMPANIES, OR "TROOPS," OF CAPT. PRENTICE,

LIEUT. OAKES, AND CAPT. NICHOLAS PAIGE . . 79

CHAPTER IV.

MAJOR THOMAS SAVAGE, HIS FORCES AND OPERATIONS . 87

CHAPTER V. CAPTS. THOMAS WHEELER AND EDWARD HUTCHINSON, AT

BROOKFIELD ". . 102

CHAPTER VI. MAJOR SIMON WILLARD, HIS MILITARY OPERATIONS AND

MEN . . ... . . . . . .119

CHAPTER VII. CAPTS. RICHARD BEERS, THOMAS LATHROP, AND THEIR

COMPANIES . . 127

CHAPTER VIII. MAJOR SAMUEL APPLETON, HIS OPERATIONS AND MEN . 142

Xll CONTENTS.

CHAPTER IX. PAGE

CAPT. ISAAC JOHNSON AND HIS COMPANY . , '. . 159

CHAPTER X.

CAPT. JOSEPH GARDINER AND HIS COMPANY . . . 164

CHAPTER XL

CAPT. NATHANIEL DAVENPORT AND HIS COMPANY . . 168

CHAPTER XII. CAPT. JAMES OLIVER AND HIS COMPANY .... 173

CHAPTER XIII. NARRAGANSET CAMPAIGN ; THE " SWAMP FORT " BATTLE, 179

CHAPTER XIV. CLOSE OF THE NARRAGANSET CAMPAIGN ; THE " HUNGRY

MARCH " 199

CHAPTER XV. CAPT. BROCKLEBANK'S COMPANY; MARLBOROUGH GARRISON, 206

CHAPTER XVI. CAPT. SAMUEL WADSWORTH ; THE SUDBURY FIGHT . . 218

CHAPTER XVII. CAPT. WILLIAM TURNER; THE FALLS FIGHT . ... 232

CHAPTER XVIII.

CAPTS. JONATHAN POOLE, THOMAS BRATTLE, AND COM PANIES . . . . . . . . . 258

CHAPTER XIX. CAPT. JOSEPH SILL AND HIS COMPANY .... 266

CHAPTER XX. VARIOUS OFFICERS AND COMPANIES ..... 276

CHAPTER XXI. MAJOR RICHARD WALDERNE'S OPERATIONS AND MEN . 293

CHAPTER XXII. CAPT. WILLIAM HATHORNE AND HIS MEN . 318

CONTENTS. Xiii

CHAPTER XXIII. PAGE

CAPT. JOSHUA SCOTTOW AND HIS BLACK POINT GARRISON, 325

CHAPTER XXIV. CAPTS. BENJAMIN SWETT AND MICHAEL PEIRSE . . 342

CHAPTER XXV.

LANCASTER AND OTHER GARRISONS ; " ASSIGNMENT OP

WAGES " 351

CHAPTER XXVI. PHILIP, CANONCHET, AND OTHER HOSTILE INDIANS . . 377

CHAPTER XXVII.

THE " CHRISTIAN INDIANS " OF NEW ENGLAND . . . 389

CHAPTER XXVIII.

NARRAGANSET TOWNSHIPS, ADDITIONAL CREDITS, ETC. . 406

APPENDIX.

ADDITIONAL MATTER RELATING TO THE THREE COLONIES :

PLYMOUTH COLONY ........ 455

Governors, 1620-1692. Capt. Myles Standish. List of Cap tains and Lieutenants of Militia. Organization of Militia, etc. Active Military Service in 1637 and 1645. Military Supplies, 1645. Additional Items concerning Philip's War, in Plymouth Colony.

CONNECTICUT COLONY . . . . . . . 464

Governors and Lieutenant-Governors, 1639-1689. Military Affairs in Connecticut Colony. Lists of Soldiers. First Con necticut Cavalry. Military Officers previous to and during Philip's War. Windsor Troopers, 1676. Roster of Officers of Connecticut Militia.

MASSACHUSETTS COLONY 469

Governors and Deputy-Governors. Earliest Military Affairs. Captains Underbill and Patrick. Arms and Ammunition. Official Roster of Militia, 1630-1637. Ancient Manual of Arms. Major- Generals of Massachusetts, 1644-1686. Organization of the Colonial Mil;tia, some Years previous to and during Philip's War. Capt. Mosely's " Volunteers." Sale of Indian Captives by Massa chusetts Colony.

LIST OF SUBSCRIBERS 481

INDEX OF NAMES ......... 487

INDEX OF PLACES 500

INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER.

CONTAINING A CONCISE HISTORY OF THE INDIAN WARS OF NEW ENGLAND FROM 1620 TO 1677.

first event in the Indian wars of New England, as related A to its settlement by our forefathers, occurred on the 8th of ^

December, 1620, while a company of the Pilgrims were coasting along the shores towards Plymouth Bay, in their shal lop. The story is briefly, but graphically, told by Nathaniel Morton, for many years clerk of the Colony, and the author of what he called " New England's Memorial."

After relating their experiences in Cape Cod Harbor, during the month of November, he says :

" On the 6th of December they concluded to send out their shallop again on a third discovery. The names of those who went upon this discovery were

" Mr. John Carver, Mr. William Bradford, Mr. Edward Wins- low, Capt. Miles Standish, Mr. John Howland, Mr. Richard Warren, Mr. Stephen Hopkins, Mr. Edward Tilly, Mr. John Tilly, Mr. Clark, Mr. Coppin, John Allerton, Thomas English, and Edward Doten, with the master gunner of the ship, and three of the common seamen. These set sail on Wednesday, the sixth day of December, 1620, intending to circulate the deep bay of Cape Cod, the weather being very cold, so as the spray of the sea lighting on the coats they were as if they had been glazed ; not withstanding, that night they got down into the bottom of the bay, and as they drew near the shore, they saw some ten or twelve Indians, and landed about a league off them (but with some difficulty, by reason of the shoals in that place) where they tarried that night. Next morning they divided their company to coast along, some on shore and some in the boat, where they saw the Indians had been the day before, cutting up a fish like a grampus ; and so they ranged up and down all that day, but found no people, nor any place they liked, as fit for their settle ment; and that night, they on shore met their boat at a certain creek where they made them a barricado of boughs and logs, for their lodging that night, and, being weary, betook themselves to rest.

1 «•_ THE PILGRIMS WARS.

" The next morning about five o'clock (seeking guidance and protection from God by prayer,) and refreshing themselves in way of preparation, to persist on their intended expedition, some of them carried their arms down to the boat, having laid them up in their coats from the moisture of the weather ; but others said they would not carry theirs until they went themselves. But presently, all on a sudden, about the dawning of the day, they heard a great and strange cry, and one of their company being on board, came hastily in and cried, Indians ! Indians ! and withal, their arrows came flying amongst them ; on which all their men ran with speed to recover their arms ; as by God's good providence they did. In the meantime some of those that were ready, discharged two muskets at them, and two more stood ready at the entrance of their rendezvous, but were com manded not to shoot until they could take full aim at them ; and the other two charged again with all speed, for there were only four that had arms there, and defended the barricado which was first assaulted. The cry of the Indians was dreadful, especially when they saw the men run out of their rendezvous towards the shallop, to recover their arms, the Indians wheeling about upon them ; but some running out with coats of mail and cuttle-axes in their hands, they soon recovered their arms, and discharged amongst them, and stayed their violence. Notwithstanding there was a lusty man, and no less valiant, stood behind a tree within half a musket shot, and let his arrows fly amongst them ; he was seen to shoot three arrows, which were all avoided, and stood three shot of musket, until one taking full aim at him, made the bark or splinters of the tree fly about his ears, after which he gave an extraordinary shriek, and away they went all of them ; and so leaving some to keep the shallop, they followed them about a quarter of a mile, that they might conceive that they were not afraid of them, or any way discouraged.

" Thus it pleased God to vanquish their enemies, and to give them deliverance, and by his special providence so to dispose, that not any of them was either hurt or hit though their arrows came close by them ; and sundry of their coats, which hung up in the barricado, were shot through and through. For which salvation and deliverance they rendered solemn thanksgiving unto the Lord."

,/ This was the first battle with the Indians, and the scene of it was called by them at that time " First Encounter." This spot is in the present town of Eastham. They picked up eigh teen of the Indian arrows and sent them home to England by " Master Jones." Some of the arrows were headed with brass, some with hart's horn, and some with eagle's claws. It was late at night, and in a heavy storm, that they with much difficulty made what is now Plymouth Harbor, and lay-to under the lee of the Island, which they named " Clark's Island,"

THE PILGRIMS AND MASSASOIT. 3

because Mr. Clark of their company was the first to step ashore next morning. Here they remained the next day, and here, on the next, kept the memorable Sabbath.

The following Monday they explored Plymouth Bay and re solved on this locality for their settlement, and so returned to their ship at Provincetown Harbor.

The Landing of the Pilgrims was made on Dec. 21, 1620, at the place known to the Indians as Patuxit, now Plymouth.

During the terrible scenes of the following Winter, the Indians, from time to time, showed themselves at a long distance watch ing their movements, but not troubling. In March, however, the famous Samoset came boldly into their midst and addressed them in broken English. He made them understand that he was from the Eastern part of the coast, and had known certain English fishermen, from whom he had learned the language. He was very friendly and helpful to the Pilgrims ever afterwards, in many ways. He told them of another Indian, Squanto or Tis- quanto, of the tribes near this place, who had been in England, and could speak English better than himself. Kindly entertained by the English, he came to them again shortly afterwards, bring ing some other Indians with him, and announced a visit to be made in a few days by the great Sachem, Massasoit, who came five days later, with the above-mentioned Squanto, and the chief of his friends arid attendants. Massasoit was Sachem of what ^/ had been a large and powerful people, but now greatly weakened by the fearful devastations of a plague, which had swept away a large part of his tribes along the coast, a few years only before the English landed at Plymouth. His residence, at this time, was at Sowams, or Sowamset (now a part of Barrington, R.I.). His dominion extended over the Massachusetts tribes as far as the Charles River, and it is supposed that the Pawtucket was the boundary between his people, known as the Wampanoags, and the Narragansets. The Cape Indians gave him allegiance, and all that part of Rhode Island east of Narraganset Bay. One residence of his was at Mount Hope, not far from the present city of Fall River, which became afterwards the permanent resi dence of his son Philip, or Metacom. On the occasion of Massa- soit's visit, a treaty of peace was arranged between him and the English. This treaty was for help against other tribes and out-Lx/ side enemies : a league, indeed, for natural protection. It was the first treaty ever made in New England, and was the most important. The Wampanoags, in their present weakened condi tion, feared the power of the strong and warlike Narragansets, so that this league of defence was as necessary to them as to the English ; and to the small band of Pilgrims it meant nothing less than their salvation, since it threw their frontier fifty miles away instead of one, and united their interests with a great tribe, who were made strong by this league itself. After this treaty,

4 THE PILGRIMS' WARS.

Squanto remained at Plymouth as the interpreter and counsellor of the English. The treaty was faithfully kept by Massasoit while he lived. The dominion properly belonging to the Wam-

/anoags was known as Pokanoket. The next trouble had with the Indians, after this treaty, was caused by an Indian chief named Corbitant, who lived near Nemasket, now Middleborough. Squanto had been joined at Plymouth by another friendly and influential Indian named Hobomak, and the two were sent out as agents of the English, among the tribes, to manage their trade in fur and other com modities. Corbitant provoked a quarrel, and attempted to stab Hobomak, who escaped to Plymouth and reported the assault, and his fears that Squanto had been slain. Immediately Capt. Miles Standish and fourteen men inarched to the Indian town and beset the wigwam of Corbitant, but found him gone. But they found Squanto had not been killed. In the attack upon Corbitant's wigwam, two or three of the natives were unin tentionally wounded, and these were brought to Plymouth, and kindly cared for by the English. After this, several of the sur- ounding chiefs came in and declared their friendship, and Corbitant himself, through Massasoit, sought to make peace with them. In September of this year (1621) a shallop was fitted out with ten men, and Squanto as guide and interpreter, and explored Massachusetts Bay along the shores of Dorchester, Boston, and the peninsula between the Mystic and the Charles Rivers. They were welcomed to this vicinity by Obbatinewat, the Sagamore of Shawmut. He accompanied them across the Charles River, and they tried to find the Squaw-Sachem of the remnants of the Massachusetts tribes, widow of the great Sachem, Nanepashemet, but were unsuccessful.

During November, 1621, a messenger came from the Narra- gansets, bearing a challenge to war, as Squanto explained it, — a snake-skin filled with arrows. For answer, Gov. Bradford filled the snake-skin with powder and bullets and sent it back to the Sachem, Canonicus, with the word that he was ready for either war or peace. Then the Pilgrims fortified their houses with palisades and set a guard at night, and arranged their fighting force in order for defence. During the Summer of 1622 they built a timber fort, " strong and comely, with flat roof and battlements ; " upon this, ordnance was mounted, and a watch kept. The fort also served as a place of worship. The " unruly " company, which came in Robert Cushman's ship, in 1621, and had lived upon the hospitality of the Pilgrims through the Winter and Spring, reducing their Colony to the verge of a famine, went away in August, to form a new plantation at a place since called Weymouth, under the grant to Mr. Thomas Weston. These colonists proved to be an indolent and wayward set, abused the confidence of the Indians, and finally caused a

CAPT. STANDISH AT WEYMOUTU. 5

threatened outbreak, which rumor having come to the ears of the Governor, by a message from Massasoit, by Hobomak, Capt. Miles Standish, with a company of eight men, with Hobomak as guide, — for he would not excite the suspicions of the Indians with a larger company, — marched to Wessaguscusr ( Wey mouth), whence a certain Phineas Prat had fled, half famished, and disclosed a pitiful story of the destitution of Mr. Weston's colony. Capt. Standish found these men in great suffering, but not suspecting any plot of the Indians. Hobomak had discovered that the gen eral assault upon the settlers was to be begun here upon the weakened and helpless men of Wessaguscus, and then this should be the signal for a general attack of all the tribes in the league, no less than seven distinct tribes being in the plot.

Soon after the arrival of the Captain and his men, an Indian came into the settlement as if for trade, and soon went away without molestation ; but the Captain suspected that he knew the purpose of their coming. Soon after, Peksuot, a chief of bold spirit, came in and told Hobomak that he understood that Capt. Standish had come to kill him and the rest of the Indians there, and dared him to begin. Then Wittuwamet and other Indians, in increasing numbers, began to come amongst them, growing more and more insulting, flourishing their knives and boasting of their strength. Finally, after bearing with their insults a long time, the Captain and his men managed to get Peksuot and Wittuwamet into a room together, with a few others, and then made a sudden attack upon them, disarmed and killed them, Peksuot being slain with his own knife, in the hands of the Captain, and Wittuwamet by the others. They then gave orders to Weston's men to kill the Indians with them, of whom they killed two. Then the Captain and his men began a general hunt for all Indians about, intending to make a sweep of all; but the Indians, getting news of the intention, fled. Winslow and Standish have been blamed for this sanguinary performance, but it was probably a question of killing or being killed, with them.

The English believed that for their own safety they must try- to strike terror to the tribes, so they set the head of Wittuwamet upon the battlements of their block-house. The terror inspired by the English guns was so great, that many of the Indians fled into the swamps and woods, and many perished from cold and hunger, in their wanderings.

However harsh these measures may appear to us now, we have to remember the precarious situation in which the Pilgrims were placed, — a small hamlet on the shore of a vast unknown wilder ness, with countless hosts of savages swarming about, and only restrained by a wholesome fear of the English firearms and the sturdy courage of Standish and his "men-at-arms." The Pil grims themselves had hitherto treated all Indians who came in

6 THE PEQUOD WAR.

a friendly manner, with kindness and justice. The roystering sailors, who had spent a Winter in the Colony, and the unruly elements of Weston's men, had cajoled, cheated, quarrelled with, and abused the Indians who came to trade, and those Indians, who were jealous of Hobomak and Squanto and Massasoit, took these occasions to organize a revolt, by which there was good evidence to show that they meant the total destruction of the V English settlements. Wary and prompt action was a necessity at that time. The event proved the strategic wisdom of the action, however unchristian it seems; for such dread of the English, and respect for their prowess, was inspired, that for many years there were no notable revolts of the neighboring /Indians.

K The Pequod Indians caused the next trouble for the Colonies, and at one time seemed so formidable as to threaten their de struction. The Massachusetts Colony had been founded in 1630, and other flourishing plantations had been established at Salem and in the vicinity of Boston. The Dutch had settled at Manhattan, and made some attempts on the lower Connecticut River. In a few years Massachusetts had grown to be recog-

^/nized as the leading Colony. In 1634 the Pequod Indians first began to be troublesome. They were a strong and warlike tribe, who had come down the Connecticut River, years before, and seized upon the best lands at its lower parts. They had, with great cruelty, driven out the original tribes, and planted their principal town on the river, " twelve miles to the Eastward of the Connecticut River," which from them took the name of the "Pequod River." They had committed depredations upon the Dutch, and were at war with the great Narraganset nation. The Sachems of the Pequods were Tatobam, and afterwards Sassacus ; and of the Narragansets, Canonicus and Miantonomo.

/ The first overt act against the English was the killing of Capt. John Stone, whose vessel was coasting near the mouth of the Connecticut River, in 1634. Capt. Stone was formerly of the West Indies, but was known, rather unfavorably, both at Plym outh and Boston. He had committed some outrage against the Dutch, and was accused of piracy. He started on a trading voyage from Boston to the Eastward as far as York, where he took on Capt. John Norton as an associate in trade, or as pas senger, and sailed towards Virginia; but went into the Con necticut, and there, upon some trouble with the Pequods, was overcome and slain with all his crew.

The Pequods, soon afterwards, sent messengers to the Massa? chusetts Colony to engage in a treaty of peace and friendship. When the above crime was laid to their charge, they claimed that it was done in self-defence. The magistrates demanded that those who had part in the murder should be surrendered, but were not very strenuous in pressing the claim, as the Indians told

OLDHAM KILLED AT BLOCK ISLAND. T

them that only two of those who had part in the act were left. The Indians made presents of "much wampum and beaver." The treaty was concluded, and it was promised that the English t^ would send a ship to trade with them, and would negotiate a treaty for them with the Narragansets, which they much desired, but were too proud to propose, but were willing the English should offer their foes a part of the wampum and beaver which they brought. The Pequods had, at first, and up to about 1633-4, held the Narragansets in subjection, but the latter were now at war and asserting their independence. The Pequods had, some time before, cut off a party of Indians who were on their way to trade with the Dutch, at their trading-house upon the Connecticut River, and in retaliation the Dutch had captured their old Sachem, Tatobam, and a small party of Indians with him, whom they killed. Tatobam was killed after Capt. Stone's death, and was succeeded by Sassacus. The promised vessel was sent out to the Pequods to trade. There is reason to think that ^/ this vessel was in charge of Mr. John Oldham, a man who had formerly caused trouble at Plymouth, being concerned in the revolt of Rev. John Lyford, and afterwards exiled from that Colony, and located at Watertown. He was of turbulent temper, but good ability. From some cause he did not succeed in making any advantageous trade with the Pequods, but secured a load of corn from the Indians nearer home, and excited the jealousy of certain of the Narragansets, so that when, next year, he was cruising about with but two Indians and two English lads in his crew, and ran in at Block Island to trade, a large body of the Island Indians came on board and killed him. They overpowered his crew and took his vessel, which they were robbing, when dis covered by John Gallop, of Boston Harbor, a skipper and pilot, who with his vessel, coasting along, discovered Oldham's vessel near the shore, and hailed, but received no answer, and then observed that the craft was in possession of the Indians, who were trying to get her under sail. Gallop, perceiving that they had stolen Oldham's vessel, immediately sailed up towards them, though having only his two boys and a servant for a crew, and but two guns and two pistols, with buckshot for bullets. Sail ing close alongside, he opened fire and drove the Indians below deck ; and making fast, went on board and discovered the body of Oldham, wrapped in fishing-nets. There are two different stories of this affair by contemporary writers ; one is that told by Gov. John Winthrop, and the other by Rev. Thomas Cobbet, of Ipswich, who had it directly from John Gallop, Jr., who was with his father in the affair ; and afterwards, as Captain of a Connecticut company, on Dec. 19, 1675, was killed at the

freat Swamp Fight with the Narragansets. Capt. Gallop illed, or drove overboard, most of the Indians, captured four, one of whom he killed, and carried one away. By stress of

8 THE PEQUOD WAR.

weather he was obliged to cut adrift the craft, which he stripped of her rigging, leaving the other two Indians in the hold alive. He sailed to Saybrook Fort, just built, at the mouth of the Con necticut, and there delivered his prisoner. The two Narragan- sets, who had been with Oldham, had already escaped and reported to Canonicus, who was Sachem of the Block Island Indians, and he dispatched these two with the prisoner, and a letter of explanation, written by Roger Williams, of Providence, his friend, to Gov. Winthrop, of Massachusetts, saying that he had already sent Miantonomo, with a strong force, to punish the Block Islanders, and bring the murderers to justice. The Massa chusetts magistrates demanded of Canonicus the restoration of the goods taken from Oldham, the return of the two lads taken with him, and vengeance upon the murderers. They suspected one of the messengers, who had been with Mr. Oldham, but respect ing the rights of a messenger, sent him back safely. It was found, by those who came with the boys from Miantonomo, that seven of the Indians who had been killed by Capt. Gallop were chiefs, and that the others, except the prisoner sent to them, had escaped to the Pequods, who now sheltered them.

An embassy, consisting of Lieut. Edward Gibbons and John Higginson, of Boston, with the Sachem of Massachusetts, Cut-

'shamakin, was sent to treat directly with Canonicus, about John Oldham's murder. They reported favorably of the honesty and kindness of the old Sachem, on their return, but the magistrates determined to send out an expedition, and themselves wreak vengeance upon the people of Block Island. This expedition was raised from Massachusetts, by order of the new governor, Henry Vane. The Colonial records do not contain the account of its raising and outfit. But Gov. Winthrop tells the story. The force to be raised was ninety men, to be divided into four companies, under command of Capt. John Underbill, Nathaniel Turner, Ensign William Jennison, and Ensign Richard Daven port, and over all John Endecott, Esq., was appointed gen eral, to command the expedition. This force sailed in " three pinnaces " and " two shallops." They took two Indians as guides. They had commission to land at Block Island, and put all the men they could find to death, but to spare the women and chil dren and bring them away captive, and take possession of the Island, and thence go to the Pequods and require satisfaction of them, and demand the surrender of the murderers of Capt. Stone and other English victims, and a thousand fathom of wampum, for damages, with some of their children as hostages, and if they should refuse, to take these things by force. All who went in this expedition were volunteers. They executed their commis sion in part. Setting sail on Aug. 24, 1636, they arrived at Block Island on the 31st, where they landed with much difficulty, find ing about forty Indians on the shore waiting to receive them,

EXPEDITION AGAINST THE PEQUODS. 9

with their bows and arrows, which were harmless, our men having corselets. Two only were wounded, one in the neck and another in the foot. As soon as the English made a landing, the Indians all fled. The Island is described as about ten miles long, four broad, " full of small hills and all overgrown with brushwood of oak." They could only march single file, and it was impossible to get at the savages. They found two large plantations, some three miles apart, and about sixty wigwams, some well-built and large. There were about two hundred acres of corn, some gathered in heaps, some left standing. They spent two days in a vain search for the inhabitants, and then burnt their wigwams and all their " matts," destroyed what corn they could, spoiled seven canoes, and killed one Indian, as was afterwards reported. Then they sailed to the Connecticut, and being reinforced at Saybrook Fort with Lieut. Gardener, with twenty men and two shallops, they sailed to Pequod Harbor, where an Indian came, in a canoe, to ask " who they were, and what they wanted." The General told him that they came from the Governor of Massachusetts to speak with their Sachems. He said that their Sachem, Sassacus, had gone to Long Island, and was told to go and summon the other Sachems. Then the English landed upon a rough and rocky shore, and soon the mes senger returned, and great numbers of the savages began to gather about them until there seemed to be some three hundred, and still the Sachems did not appear. At last, after several hours, the General saw that they were but dallying, and announced his demands, and said if they were not complied with at once, he would fight them, and bade them begone and take care of them selves, for he had come now to fight. But he would not allow any shot to be fired until they had time to withdraw from the par ley. Then our forces followed them, but they did not make any stand ; only they would turn and shoot their arrows from behind rocks and trees, but did no harm, while some of the English killed two of theirs. So the English marched up to their town, and burnt all their wigwams and matts ; but the corn was still standing in the field, and could not be readily destroyed. Returning at night to their vessels, on the next day they went ashore on the west side of the river, and having destroyed some wigwams and canoes, but finding no Indians, sailed away home ward. They arrived at Boston in September, without the loss of a single man in the whole expedition. Cutshamakin, a chief of the Massachusetts tribe, early residing in that part of Dorchester which became Milton, went in this expedition as an interpreter; and while scouting with the English, waylaid, killed, and scalped a Pequod. He carried the scalp to Canonicus, who sent it about to his chiefs, thus signifying his approval of the deed and his loyalty to the English. To the Pequods this meant a declaration of war, and threw them at once into active hostilities against the

10 THE TEQUOD WAR.

English and their allies. Not more than a dozen of their men had been killed in the raid into their country, which they under stood to be a search for " Block Island fugitives ; " but this exploit of Cutshamakin's meant war. This whole expedition cost Mas sachusetts only two hundred pounds, as the officers and soldiers served without pay.

The Pequods now tried to make peace with the Narragansets, but in vain. They sought to break up the new English settle ments, now being established on the Connecticut by settlers from Plymouth and Massachusetts, at Windsor, Wethersfield, and Hartford, and had shown their hostility to the garrison at Say- brook ; and now, when the Massachusetts troops retired, these new towns and the garrison were left in a very critical situation; and Lieut. Gardener complained of the affair to the Colonies. When the English had reembarked at Pequod Harbor, two of his soldiers had, somehow, been left behind, and were severely wounded. The Saybrook garrison were in a state of siege for many months ; and whenever they ventured from the fort, were followed by the savages, with intent to lure them into ambush. The only safety of the English, here, lay in their possession of firearms, which struck terror to their enemies, and even with these the Saybrook men came near being cut off on several oc casions. The authorities at Plymouth did not approve of the action of Massachusetts, and wrote them, stating that they had not accomplished any advantage by this expedition, but rather stirred up strife to no good end ; which letter was answered by Massachusetts justifying their course. Lieut. Gardener wrote a full and straightforward account of this expedition, which was published. One young man, of Saybrook, Samuel Butterfield, was captured at a short distance above the fort, and the place was long known as Butterfield's Meadow. Another small party, a few days later, was beset by a great company, and two were cut off. John Tilly, master of a ship, a very strong man, was capt ured and tortured to death by the savages. In April, 1637, the Indians waylaid some of the people of Wethersfield, near the fort, as they were going to the fields, and killed six men and three women, and at the same time made captive two girls. Some of their victims were killed with tortures, which roused the Colonies to plans of retaliation, as well as measures for their safety. The two girls were redeemed and returned by the Dutch, through Lieut. Gardener.

April 10, 1637, Capt. Underbill with a company of twenty men was sent to strengthen the garrison at Saybrook Fort, then in command of Lieut. Lion Gardener. This was done at the charge of the " gentlemen of Saybrook," and for the protection of their plantations, by a vote of the Massachusetts Colony. Nego tiations were begun between Massachusetts and Plymouth about joining in war against the Pequods, while plantations upon the

MASON MARCHES AGAINST THE PEQTJODS. 11

Connecticut were constantly increasing, by additions from Bos ton and surrounding towns. Capt. John Mason, who in 1632, as a lieutenant, had been sent to the Eastward in search of the noted pirate, Dixy Bull, was made captain of the militia, in No vember, of the same year; removed to Windsor, Conn., with Mr. Warham, in 1635, and there became the captain of their military company, and the hero of the "Pequod War."

The three Colonies, having agreed to unite in a war against the Pequods, and having engaged the Narragansets and other minor tribes to serve with them, took measures to carry out their plans. Massachusetts agreed to raise one hundred and sixty men, under the command of Capt. Daniel Patrick, of Watertown, and Capt. William Trask, of Salem ; while Capt. Israel Stoughton, of Dor chester, was chosen commander-in-chief of the expedition, and Rev. John Wilson, pastor of the church in Boston, went as chap lain. Plymouth agreed to send fifty men, under Lieut. William Holmes, as commander, and Rev. Thomas Prince, as chaplain and counsellor. Thirty of these men were to be sent for land service, and as many others as should be required to manage the barques. The list of names, and further particulars about the preparations, will be found in the Appendix. It may be said here that before these were ready, the war was nearly finished, so they were not sent.

The towns on the Connecticut River, Windsor, Hartford, and Wethersfield, being most concerned in this war, were most for ward in its prosecution. May 1, 1637, the General Court at Hartford voted "an offensive war against the Pequods." On May 10, 1637, ninety men had been raised in these three towns, — forty-two from Hartford, thirty from Windsor, and eighteen from Wethersfield, — equipped for war, and under the command of Capt. John Mason, of Windsor, and Lieut. Robert Seely (Sealy), of Wethersfield, embarked on board " one Pink, one Pinnace, and one Shallop," with the Sachem Uncas and seventy of his Mohegan Indians along as allies. The water of the river being low, the vessels often ran aground, which made the progress so slow that the Indians grew impatient and asked to be set ashore to go on foot to Saybrook Fort, which was done. When the Indians reported at the fort, Lieut. Gardener distrusted their hon esty, and demanded some proof of their good faith. So Uncas sent out a war-party, who found six of the Pequods, four of whom they killed, one escaped, and another they brought captive to the fort, where he was put to death. This victim's name was Kiswas. On Wednesday Capt. Mason with the Con necticut force arrived at the fort, and on Friday set sail for Nar- raganset. At Saybrook Fort Lieut. Gardener had reinforced their company with Lieut. Underbill and twenty of his best men, with such supplies as they needed, and sent Mr. Thomas Pell with them as surgeon. Twenty of the least serviceable of

12 THE PEQUOD WAR.

Capt. Mason's men were sent back to the plantations to strengthen them. The Mohegans sailed with them. They ar rived at Narraganset on Saturday evening and there " kept the Sabbath." They lay wind-bound off shore until Tuesday even ing, when they landed and marched about five miles inland to the residence of the Narraganset Sachem, Canonicus, to whom Capt. Mason apologized for marching into his country with an armed force without giving him previous notice. He requested permission of the Sachem to pass with his troops through his dominions, and declared his purpose of making war on the Pequods, on account of the outrages against the English. Canon icus received them kindly, but warned them that the Pequods were strong and crafty warriors, many hundred in number, and now securely entrenched in two great forts. Having gained the permission desired, they marched, on Wednesday morning, to a place called Niantick, on the Pequod frontier, where the Narragansets had a fort. The Indians here appearing somewhat inhospitable, Capt. Mason placed guards about their fort, so that they might not be able to carry news of his design to the enemy. Here they passed the night. In the meantime a mes senger had come from Capt. Patrick, who was at Providence, with a company of forty men from Massachusetts, a part of the force to be sent from that Colony upon the present expedition. He requested Capt. Mason to wait for him to join his force, but did not tell when he would come.

Capt. Mason and his officers in council decided that secrecy and haste were more valuable than the additional numbers, and so determined to push forward with their present force. In the morning there came a party of the Narragansets from Mianto- nomo, nephew and associate Sachem of Canonicus, who offered to join and assist in their design. Then the Indians in the fort came out and engaged with them for the same end. About eight o'clock on Tuesday morning, with seventy-seven English and a company of near five hundred Indians, they inarched twelve miles to a ford of the Pawcatuck River, where they halted for a rest. Here many of the Narragansets turned back. The heat being extreme, another halt was made about three miles farther on, and a council was called to decide the method of attack. Uncas, and the renegade Pequod " Wequash," their guide, were consulted; who told them of two strong forts of the Pequods, several miles apart, and they decided, at first, to attack both at the same time ; but finding the farthest so distant, and the troops so weary with the heat and the long march, that they could hardly reach it before midnight, they were forced to choose the nearest. This was a disappointment, as they heard that Sassa- cus, the chief Sachem of the Pequods, was at the distant fort. Marching silently towards the nearest fort, they halted, about one hour after dark, in a small valley and there made their camp.

CAPTURE OF THE PEQUOD FORT. 13

Posting their guards around the camp, and at some distance in front, they rested upon their arms until dawn. Their outposts reported that they could hear the Pequods, in their fort, shout ing and rejoicing after their manner, till past midnight ; the cause being the supposed flight of the English, whose vessels they had seen, sailing to the Eastward. At break of day the soldiers were mustered quickly and silently for the battle, the Indians keeping far in the rear. After marching about two miles, and not yet seeing signs of the fort, Capt. Mason called Uncas and Wequash to him, and they pointed out the fort at the top of a high hill close at hand. He told them to ask the Indians not to fly and leave them until they had seen whether Englishmen would fight. Then forming their line of battle, they marched in two divisions, Capt. Mason intending with the first to gain the entrance at the North-east, and Capt. Underhill that at the South side. Capt. Mason's company approached within one rod of the palisade, before any alarm was sounded from the fort. Then, as he relates, they " heard a dog bark, and an Indian crying Owanux ! Owanux ! which is, Englishmen ! English men ! " And now I will quote from Capt. Mason's own words :

We called up our Forces with all expedition, gave Fire through the Pallizado upon them ; the Indians being in a dead, indeed in their last Sleep. Then we wheeling off fell upon the main Entrance, which was blocked up with Bushes about Breast high, over which the Captain passed, intending to make good the Entrance, encouraging the rest to follow. Lieutenant Seeley endeavoured to enter ; but being somewhat cumbred stepped back and pulled out the Bushes and so entered, and with him about sixteen Men. We had formerly concluded to destroy them by the Sword and save the Plunder.

Whereupon Captain Mason seeing no Indians entred a Wigwam ; where he was beset with many Indians, waiting all opportunities to lay Hands on him, but could not prevail. At length William Heydon espying the Breach in the Wigwam, supposing some English might be there, entred ; but in his Entrance fell over a dead Indian ; but speedily recovering himself, the Indians some fled, others crept under their Beds : The Captain going out of the Wigwam saw many Indians in the Lane or Street ; he making towards them, they fled, were pursued to the End of the Lane, where they were met by Edward Pattison, Thomas Barber, with some others ; where seven of them were Slain, as they said. The Captain facing about, Marched at slow Pace up the Lane he came down, perceiving himself very much out of Breath ; and coming to the other End near the Place he first entred, saw two Soldiers stand ing close to the Pallizado with their Swords pointed to the Ground : The Captain told them that We should never kill them after that manner : The Captain also said, We must Burn them ; and immediately stepping into the Wigwam where he had been before, brought out a Firebrand, and putting it into the Matts with which they were covered, set the Wigwams on Fire. Lieutenant Thomas Bull and Nicholas Omsted

14 THE PEQUOD WAR.

beholding, came up ; and when it was thoroughly kindled, the Indians ran about as most dreadfully Amazed.

And indeed such a dreadful Terror did the Almighty let fall upon their Spirits, that they would fly from us and run into the very Flames, where many of them perished. And when the Fort was thoroughly Fired, Command was given, that all should fall off and surround the Fort ; which was readily attended by all ; only one Arthur Smith being so wounded that he could not move out of the Place, who was happily espied by Lieutenant Bull, and by him rescued.

The Fire was kindled on the North East Side to windward ; which did swiftly overrun the Fort, to the extream Amazement of the Enemy, and great Rejoycing of our selves. Some of them climbing to the Top of the Pallizado ; others of them running into the very Flames ; many of them gathering to windward, lay pelting at us with their Arrows ; and we repayed them with our small Shot : Others of the Stoutest issued forth, as we did guess, to the Number of Forty, who perished by the Sword.

What I have formerly said, is according to my own Knowledge, there being sufficient living Testimony to every Particular.

But in reference to Captain Underbill and his Parties acting in this Assault, I can only intimate as we were informed by some of them selves immediately after the Fight, Thus, They Marching up to the Entrance on the South West Side, there made some Pause ; a valiant, resolute Gentleman, one Mr. Hedge, stepping towards the Gate, say ing, If we may not Enter, wherefore came we here ; and immediately endeavoured to Enter ; but was opposed by a sturdy Indian which did impede his Entrance ; but the Indian being slain by himself and Ser geant Davis, Mr. Hedge Entred the Fort with some others ; but the Fort being on Fire, the Smoak and Flames were so violent that they were constrained to desert the Fort.

Capt. Underbill also wrote a full account of the battle, which differs but little from that of Capt. Mason. He says that they found the South entrance stopped up with " arms of trees." It seems that the Indians had made a rude " abattis " with the tops of trees turned outward, the trunks buried with rocks and earth. This made a very effectual barrier to an attack from without, when defended from within. Capt. Underhill advanced to these and tried to pull them away, and then com manded his men to lay hold of them, which they did, and removed them and entered the fort, without his command. Among those first entering was " one Master Hedge," who was attacked by a powerful savage, and was shot through both arms. Capt. Mason speaks of this young man as having performed a very brave act, and a contemporary writer, in London, gives account of the battle, in which he rather slurs Capt. Underhill, and makes this Hedge the leader of the attack at the South entrance. Capt. Underhill resented this story bitterly, and denied that he asked the question " Shall we enter ? " as this last writer reported. He says that with his soldiers he entered the

BURNING OF THE PEQUOD FORT. 15

fort, and with Capt. Mason entered the wigwam, and received a wound from an arrow, in his left hip, though having on "a sufficient buff coat." He describes the fight as very desperate and brave on the part of the Indians. " Most courageously these Pequeats behaved themselves," he says. And he declares that their bows and arrows were by no means to be despised, as they used them there. " But seeing the fort was too hot for us," he says, " we devised a way by which we might save ourselves, and prejudice them." Capt. Mason set fire to the wigwams with a firebrand, and he " with a train of powder," the two columns of fire meeting in the centre of the fort. The fire was so hot that it burnt the bowstrings of the Indians and left them defence less. If any escaped the English, they fell into the hands of the Mohegans or Narragansets, to be cut down without mercy. He says, " Many courageous fellows fought most desperately through the palisadoes, while scorched and burnt by the flames ; mercy did they deserve for their valor, could we have had opportunity to bestow it." " It may be demanded, Should not Christians have more mercy and compassion ? But I would refer you to David's war. Sometimes the Scripture declareth women and children must perish with their parents. We had sufficient light from the word of God for our proceedings."'

The number of the Pequods slain in this terrible fight has been variously estimated. Capt. Mason thought six or seven hundred. The Mohegans reported that there were four hundred killed. Only seven escaped and seven taken captive. The whole dreadful deed was completed in one hour from the beginning of the attack.

Only two of the English were killed and about twenty wounded. But after the fight, though victorious, the English found themselves in trying conditions ; they were severely oppressed with the heat, and thirsty, with no supply of water and with scant supply of food. They were told that Sassacus, with a large force of Pequods, was hastening from the other fort, arid the Narragansets were in great trepidation to be gone. They were uncertain about what time their vessels would appear, or where. Just as the Pequods began to appear, and, maddened by the awful calamity which had befallen their people, to attack them with fury, they saw their vessels coming toward them with a fair wind. The rear-guard, under Capt. Underbill, met the enemy's attack so warmly, that they became more wary, and, manoeuvring to outflank the English, came upon the Mohegans and Narragansets, driving them to the shelter of the English muskets. They kept up a fierce fight until within two miles of the vessels in Pequod River, then withdrew.

Arriving at the shore, Capt. Mason and his little army, well- nigh spent with their marching and fighting, were refreshed with supplies from their vessels. Here they found Capt. Patrick, with

16 THE PEQUOD WAR.

his company of forty men, who had joined our vessels with his own, a little before. He was evidently offended that he was not waited for at Narraganset, and chagrined at the great success of Capt. Mason. From Pequod Harbor the Narragansets were sent home by sea, while Capt. Mason, with the few able-bodied men of his company, marched overland to Saybrook Fort, with Capt. Patrick and his company along. Capt. Underbill and his men, and the wounded, went by water. At the fort all were enter tained by Lieut. Gardener. Thence they returned to their homes on the Connecticut, where they were received with great rejoicing. Capt. Underbill, with his company of twenty men, whose term at Saybrook had expired, sailed homeward to Massachusetts, and on the voyage met the company of one hundred men, under Capt. Israel Stoughton, sailing out to fight the Pequods. Capt. Patrick awaited this force at Saybrook.

The Indian fort which was destroyed was at a place called " Mistick," on a hill in the present town of Groton, Conn., known since as " Pequot Hill." The battle was fought on Friday, May 26, 163T.

It is said that the evening before the battle, a hundred and fifty warriors from the other fort had come to this, in order to start in force upon the war-path the next day ; either to follow the English troops toward Narraganset, or to fall upon their set tlements on the Connecticut River. By this chance these had been included in the general massacre. Capt. Mason relates that after leaving their pursuit of the English near Pequod Harbor, the Pequods returned in a body to the fort in which Sassacus re mained, where many of them began to upbraid him as the cause of all their troubles, and demanded the destruction of himself and his family. Wiser counsels prevailed, however, and they resolved to leave their country, now encompassed by merciless, and, they con ceived, resistless, enemies. Burning their villages and everything that could not be taken along with them, they retreated with their main body to the Westward across the Connecticut River, where they killed three Englishmen, after a stubborn fight, and hung their bodies upon trees on the shore.

The main body under the Sachem, Sassacus, moved slowly along the shore of the Sound, depending largely upon shell-fish for food. Another division of the tribe, probably following the other Sachem, Mononotto, pushed farther into the country. Mohegan and Narraganset scouts, at a safe distance, kept track of them.

About one month after the battle, Capt. Stoughton, with several vessels and one hundred and twenty men from Massachu setts Colony, arrived at Pequod Harbor. Here they were joined by Capt. Patrick's company. While here, the Mohegans told them of a large party of fugitives gathered at a place some twelve miles up the river. The English marched up in force, surrounded

STOUGHTON'S FORCES ARRIVE. 17

these, and captured them without an attempt at resistance. The number taken was about one hundred and four. Twenty-four of these were men ; and twenty-two of these were taken on board the vessel of the skipper, John Gallop, and " executed " just out side the harbor. Two were spared on condition of guiding the English to the hiding-place of Sassacus. Proving unable or unwilling to perform this service, they too, it is said, were put to death. Of the eighty women and children, thirty-three were allotted to their Indian allies, and the rest were sent home to Boston, to be sold as slaves. In a written report of his progress, made to Gov. Winthrop, Capt. Stoughton says :

By this Pinnace you shall receive forty-eight or fifty women and children, unless there stay any here to be helpful, etc., concerning which there is one, that is the fairest and largest that I saw amongst them, to whom I have given a coat to cloatheher. It is my desire to have her for a servant, if it may stand with your good liking, otherwise not. There is a little squaw that steward Culacut desireth, to whom he hath given a coate. Lieut. Davenport desireth one, to wit, a small one. He de sireth her if it will stand with your good liking. Sosomon, the Indian, desireth, a young little squaw, which I know not.

In closing his report Capt. Stoughton says :

At the present Mr. Haynes, Mr. Ludlow, Capt. Mason, and thirty men are with us in Pequot River ; and we shall next week join in seeing what we can do against Sassacus, and another great sagamore, Monowattuck. Here is yet good work to be done and how dear it will cost is unknown. Sassacus is resolved to sell his life, and so the other with his company as dear as they can.

Capt. Mason writes that the Connecticut towns sent him in command of forty men to cooperate with Capt. Stoughton, in the further pursuit of the Pequods. From Pequod Harbor the Eng lish forces moved along the Sound, landing from time to time. At " Quinnipiack " (New Haven) they saw a great smoke at some distance in the woods, and lauded, thinking that they had discovered the enemy ; but their Indian scouts soon found that it was only some friendly Indians burning brush. A Mohegan, called Jack Eatow, going ashore, captured two Pequods, and brought them on board.

There is a story that Uncas, on the way thither, captured a small party of the enemy, one of whom, a sachem, he beheaded, and lodged his head in a tree, where it hung for years. This was upon a high bluff on the shore, a few miles below Guilford, which has been known since as "Sachem's Head." Moving westward, one of their Pequod spies proved faithful to them, and faithless to his people. In token of his treachery, they named this traitor " Luz " with grim humor ; and he guided them to a

18 THE PEQUOD WAR.

great company of the Indians, at a place called " Unquowa," now within the town of Fairfield, Conn.

A large party of the fugitive Pequods had imposed themselves by force upon the local tribe, and were now with them at their village, which was situated close to a great swamp. This swamp is described as about one mile in circumference, and divided, by a narrow strip of solid land, into two unequal parts. When the advance-guard of the English approached, all the Indians with one accord fled in dismay into the dense recesses of the swamp. Sergt. Palmer, with a squad of the advance-guard, hastened around by the smaller division of the swamp, to cut off escape by that side. Lieut. Richard Davenport, of Salem, Capt. Trask's company, with a few men rushed into the bushes, thinking to push through to the wigwams which were on the other side, sud denly found themselves sinking in the miry ground, entangled in the dense underbrush, and fiercely attacked by the savages. Lieut. Davenport, Sergts. John Wedgewood and Thomas Sher man and others, were severely wounded, and only with the great est difficulty rescued from their perilous plight by the bravery of Sergts. Edward Riggs, of Roxbury, and Thomas Jeffrey, of Dor chester. The main body of the troops then advancing, the whole swamp was surrounded.

The line surrounding the swamp was, according to Capt. Mason, a very long one, being formed at a wide distance from the edge of the bushes ; but was soon lessened by cutting through the narrow strip, thus shortening the "leaguer," and shutting the Indians into the smaller swamp.

The brief skirmish at the beginning admonished the English that they were now facing a brave and desperate foe, no longer entirely at their mercy. There was a rumor also, brought back by the two captive girls to Wethersfield, that the Pequods had some sixteen muskets, which they might craftily discharge upon their assailants unexpectedly. So they decided to hold a parley with the foe. Thomas Stanton was sent to speak with them, readily understanding their language, and offering to go upon this service. He soon returned with about two hundred old men, women, and children, including the local tribe. Then the war riors sent the challenge from the swamp, that they would fight it out with the English to the end. And Stanton, going once more to them, to urge terms of their surrender, was met with a fierce volley of arrows so as scarcely to escape with his life. Then the guards were set, and close watch kept all night with frequent shooting on both sides. In the deepest darkness, about an hour before the dawn, the savages massed their numbers, and, after some desperate fighting, broke through Capt. Patrick's lines, and escaped.

Capt. Mason speaks of Capts. Trask and Patrick, and also Sergt. Stares, as having taken part in this fight, besides those

CLOSK OF THE PEQUOD WAR. 19

above named. On searching the swamp, they found but few slain. One hundred and eighty women and children were divided between Massachusetts and Connecticut to be used as servants. Two women and fifteen boys were sent to Bermuda, by Mr. William Peirce, to be sold as slaves, but were carried by mistake to u Providence Isle." Among the women taken was the wife of the Sachem Mononotto, with her two children, whose demeanor and behavior were such as to win the respect of even the most violent Indian-haters. In the absence of evidence to the contrary, I would suggest that Mononotto was in command of the Indians in the swamp at Fairfield, and led the party, estimated by Capt. Mason at seventy, which escaped. Sassacus and a party of his warriors escaped to the Mohawks, but were set upon and killed by them, and their scalps were brought to the authorities at Con necticut, from whom pieces were taken to Boston, by Mr. Pinchon and Mr. Ludlow, who went hither to consult about the disposal of the conquered remnants of the fallen tribe. They reported the Pequods entirely dispersed and subdued, so as to be easily managed by the people of Connecticut with the aid of the Mohe- gans and Narragansets. Capt. Stoughton remained in the Pequod country till near the last of August, and continued to send his reports of proceedings, by which we see that they were scouting, and destroying the enemy's crops and keeping the wretched fugitives from returning to their former homes. Soon after August 20th they sailed for home, landing at Block Island on the way, and burning and destroying the poor homes and grow ing crops of the helpless Indians with useless cruelty. Then they sailed homeward from their rather inglorious campaign, and arrived in Boston on August 26.

This, in brief, is the story of the "Pequod War," gathered from all available authorities known. JTo the comparatively weak colonies of that day it threatened destruction. The prompt and daring, though sanguinary work, of Capt. Mason and his men, with the superiority of their arms, together with the hos tility of the other tribes for the Pequods, enabled them to strike the crushing blow, which, practically, finished the war.

The result of this war was that the Indians of New England were so dismayed at the resistless force of the English soldiers, that for nearly forty years there was no further formidable outbreak, though they knew that they were wronged, cheated, and oppressed in many ways by the colonists. Some time after the war was over, the actual number of the Pequods still surviving was found to be about two hundred. In 1638, a treaty was concluded between the Colonies, Narragansets, and Mohegans, by which the surviving Pequods were equally distributed between the two larger tribes, forced to adopt their names, and drop their own forever. )

The Feouod lands became the property of Connecticut Colony.

20 THE PEQUOD WAB.

These were hard conditions for a proud arid warlike race to sub mit to. Especially hard was the case of those who were obliged to submit to the rule of Uncas, whom they regarded as the real cause of their downfall. They were a constant source of disturb ance between the two ruling tribes. At one time a party of them withdrew from Uncas, and joining with a few Niantics, returned to their old home and settled. Capt. Mason was sent out, and with the aid of Uncas and his hundred Mohegans, and forty of his own men, he despoiled them of their corn, newly harvested, and drove them from their wigwams, which were burned.

The Pequods, about equally distributed between the Mohegans and Narragansets, were a constant source of jealousy and trouble. Canonicus and Miantonomo, as well as their ally, Ninigret, the Niantic Sachem, distrusted Uncas as the pliant tool of the English, and a constant spy upon themselves, reporting all their acts sus piciously and falsely. At last, in 1643, upon some special provo cation from Uncas, Miantonomo resolved to punish his enemy. He led a large company of his warriors secretly into the Mohegan country; but the crafty Uncas was on his guard, having his spies set as usual upon every move of the Narragansets. Selecting an advantageous place, with his accustomed cunning, he concealed a large number of his warriors behind rocks and bushes, and then showed himself with a few, and signalled for Miantonomo to meet him for a parley between the lines, pretending to propose a per sonal duel to settle the trouble. When he had lured his enemy into the desired place, he gave his men the signal, by falling flat upon the ground, and they at once leaped out from their coverts and shot a furious volley of arrows at Miantonomo and rushed forward to surround him. He, hoAvever, having on an English corselet, was not harmed by their arrows, and turning fled towards his own lines. His warriors did not withstand the furious charge of the Mohegans, and in the flight he became separated from them, and, cumbered by the heavy corselet, was overtaken and overpowered by his foes.

Uncas would have administered punishment straightway, prob ably, had not a swift messenger come to him from Mr. Samuel Gorton, of Warwick, threatening dire vengeance from the English should he harm the captive Sachem in the least. While it is probable that Mr. Gorton's threat saved the Narraganset Sachem from immediate death, his friendship was harmful to the captive's interests with the colonial authorities, who looked upon Gorton as a heretic and outlaw. Uncas turned his captive over to the custody of the court officers at Hartford, to await the session of the United Commissioners in September, he being in the mean time committed to prison. Then this " Star Chamber " of the Puritans took up the case, and by the most infamous decree which blots the pages of New England histor}T, condemned the brave Sachem of the noblest of the native tribes to a cruel and shameful

ENGLISH PROTECT UXCAS. 21

death. Nothing can excuse the heartless prejudice and cold blooded injustice of the decision. He had been the faithful ally of the English from the beginning. He had not truckled to them, like the crafty and treacherous Uncas, but his course had been always honorable and self-respecting. By the Court's decree Miantonomo was given over, with cold brutality, to his mortal enemy to be executed according to his will. And so he was led back into the Mohegan limits, and near the scene of his capture, was killed with a blow of the tomahawk, in the hands of a brother of Uncas. The place of his execution is in the eastern part of the present town of Norwich, Connecticut. The Narragansets never sought to retaliate upon the English for this act of injustice. They under stood Uncas to be the author of their chief's overthrow, and bided their time to mete out vengeance to him. There was always, however, a feeling that the Narragansets had not forgotten nor forgiven the death of their chief, and this suspicion was diligently encouraged by the Mohegans. After the death of Miantonomo, his young brother, Pessacus, succeeded him, and Ninigret, his kinsman, and chief of the Niantics, became an influential leader among the Narragansets ; and many of the Pequods assigned to them had joined his tribe and added much to its warlike qualities. While Miantonomo was in prison at Hartford, the Narragansets had been encouraged by Uncas that he would liberate him upon the payment of certain sums of wampum. These sums had been gladly raised and paid to the crafty Uncas, who, in the end, repu diated the agreement, in which course he was afterwards supported by the English, as in all other matters. In the spring of 1644, Ninigret, having secured a number of guns and drilled some of his men in their use, fell upon a large company of Mohegans and slew a number, wounded many more, and so frightened Uncas that he was obliged to call on his English friends to protect him.

He was shut up in his fort for a long time, fearing capture or death from his foes. The English, nothing loath to find a pretext for war against the Narragansets at any time, immediately began to raise an armament to vindicate the cause of their favorite. But Ninigret and Pessacus, the chief Sachems, now, of the Nar ragansets, appeared by their deputies at Hartford, and arranged to cease hostilities until after planting next year. They promptly renewed the war next year, or at least some slight acts were so construed by Uncas in his report to the Colonies. Again the Colonies advanced to his assistance, and promised to put forty soldiers in the field at once for the defence of Uncas. These were sent at once under the command of Lieut. Humphrey Atherton and Sergt. John Davis. The commission of Atherton was simply to protect Uncas in his fort, against his enemies. This company was sent from Boston, and companies from Hartford and New Haven were to join them in the Mohegan country. These were only the advance of a much larger force which the Commissioners

22 THE PEQUOD WAK.

decided to raise. Great preparations were made, and officers com missioned for an invasion in force of the Narraganset country.

Major Edward Gibbons, of Charlestown, was appointed Com mander-in-chief, John Leverett, Captain of the Massachusetts company ; Francis Loyal, Surgeon, and a levy of men was ordered and companies were organizing and drilling in Boston, when a delegation of Narraganset chiefs appeared before the Court to explain matters and assert their friendship for the English, but declaring their hostility to Uncas. Another partial treaty was concluded by the Indians agreeing to pay a large indemnity for the expenses of the preparation for war.

After the partial treaty of 1645, Pessacus withheld the Nar- ragansets for several years, though Ninigret was constantly on the alert to find cause and opportunity to strike the hated Mohegans. Uncas, on his part, was constant in his complaints and rumors of his enemy's evil designs. The smaller Colonies, Connecticut and New Haven, were urgent in demanding the action of the United Commissioners against the Niantics, and this, of course, involved the other Narragansets. The payment of wampum to settle the expense of the preparations of the Colonies against the Niantics in 1645, to which Ninigret had agreed, was held over him as a constant demand, severe, if not actually dishonest. Some of the Pequods had escaped from servitude and taken refuge with him, as a kinsman. The Long Island Indians, too, made complaints of certain depredations against them ; and at last, in 1653, the Com missioners decided to declare war, and evidently meant to crush the whole Narraganset people and reduce them to servitude as they had the Pequods formerly. The Commissioners of Massa chusetts were in the minority, and were overborne by those of the other three Colonies, who were strenuous for war. The Gen eral Court of Massachusetts supported their own Commissioners in their decision that there was not a sufficient cause, as yet, for war. As this Colony, on account of wealth and population, was to furnish two-thirds of all means and men, her decision for the time prevailed. Next year, however, September, 1654, the Massa chusetts Commissioners so far retracted as to join in sending for Ninigret to attend them at Hartford and answer the complaints against him. He refused to attend and declared his war against the Long Island Indians to be just, as they had killed a Sachem's son and sixty of his men. He demanded that the English " let him alone." It was, thereupon, voted to send a force of twenty troopers and forty-foot soldiers to enforce the Commissioners' demands. It was also voted to levy two hundred and seventy foot and forty horsemen out of the several colonies to prosecute the war. Major Simon Willard, of Groton, was appointed to the chief command of this force. The Massachusetts troops mustered at Dedham October 9th and marched to Providence, and thence along the westerly shore of Narraganset Bay to the Niantic

TROUBLE WITH NINIGRET. 23

country. The officers of the Troopers were Capt. Wm. Davis, of Boston ; Lieut. Peter Oliver and Cornet John Stedman, while Richard Waite was Commissary. The following officers were appointed over such companies as were " to go out if neede should require : " 1st. James Oliver, captain ; Roger Clap, lieutenant ; John Hull, ensign; and 2d, Sam'l Appleton, captain; Rich. Sprague, lieutenant ; Benjamin Sweet, ensign. Sergt. John Barrell was commissary to the Foot Companies.

The New Haven and Connecticut contingent of forty men did not reach them until the 16th, when Ninigret had had ample time to retreat into his fastnesses, whence he could not be dislodged.

It seems by Major Willard's letter from " Paucatuck 19* of 8th Mo., 1654," that he was hampered by his lack of commission, as it was taken for granted that Ninigret would be found at his usual place ; he lacked information as to the charges against the Sachem, the Connecticut men by Thomas Stanton being depended upon to furnish details, who was unable. The Major, however, acting with prudence and candor through friendly Pequods, suc ceeded in getting Ninigret to surrender all the Pequod subjects who would leave him, and to permit them to set up an inde pendent tribal estate under the direction of the Commissioners.

Additional details of this affair, and the men engaged, will be given in the Appendix. Major Willard secured a fairly satisfac tory covenant with Ninigret, and also an advantageous arrange ment with the subject Pequods, and returned to Boston and dis banded his forces on October 24th, being upon the service sixteen days.

The Pequods were settled in separate communities, and rulers appointed of their own, under the Colonial authorities. Cusha- washett, alias Harmon Garrett, was appointed over the villages at Paquatucke and Weguapeuge, and Robin, alias Casasinamon, at Nemeacke and Naweacke. Later these were settled, the first in Stonington, and the latter in what is now the town of Led- yard. In 1850 the Ledyard settlement still retained 989 acres of land, and twenty-eight persons of the greatly degenerated Pequod stock ; in the Stonington, 240 acres and fifteen persons.

THE WAR WITH PHILIP OF MOUNT HOPE.

The next Indian war of New England, which claims attention, is that of 1675-77, known as " King Philip's War ; " so called from the name of the recognized leader of that war, whose Indian name was Metacom or Pometacom, or Metacomet, but whom the English called Philip. He was the second son of Massasoit, who at the settlement of the English at Plymouth and Boston seems to have been chief sachem of all the various tribes and fragments of tribes living between the Charles River and Narraganset Bay, and including that part of Rhode Island east of the Bay, and also the Cape Cod tribes. The rule of Massasoit was probably rather indefinite both as to limits of territory and extent of authority over the subordinate chiefs. While Massasoit seems to have been the acknowledged head of the tribes within the limits above named, the league between the chiefs of the tribes was evidently very loose, and held mostly for convenience in defence, and perhaps for the settlement of difficulties between individual tribes. The territory of this Sachem was bounded upon the west by the Nipmucks and Narra- gansets. But a very great proportion of this had been sold by the Sachems before the opening of the war. Massasoit had sev eral children, three of whom are known to us by name : Wam- sutta and Metacom, who came to Plymouth about 1656, and at their own request received English names from the Governor, who " christened " them " Alexander " and " Philip." A sister of these was the wife of Tuspaquin, chief of the Namaskets ; she was called by the English " Amie." Mention is made of another son and also a daughter, but I have not proper authority for their names. Alexander married a Sachem's daughter, or widow, of the Pocasset tribe, and after his death, soon following Massasoit's, 1661 or '62, she returned to her own people, and ruled there with influence and ability until the war ; when her second husband, Petananuet, Petonowowett, or " Peter Nunnuit " (as he is some times called), took sides with the English, she, possibly reluc tantly, joined the fortunes of Philip, who had married her sister Wootonekanuske, and had great influence with her.

Massasoit had always maintained a cordial and firm friendship with the English ; and it would seem that Alexander also was somewhat of his father's nature and disposition. The moment, however, which saw Philip raised to the place of power, gave sig nal of a far different course of conduct on the part of the Wam- panoag Sachem. The limits of his father's olden territory had been greatly reduced before he came to power. The English had

SOME CAUSES OF PHILIP'S WAR. 25

purchased and otherwise absorbed a large proportion of their lands. Philip kept on selling and surrendering, till at last, as early as 1670-1, he began to feel the pressure of civilization upon their hunting and fishing grounds as well as cornfields. The Court at Plymouth itself had interfered and forbidden the trans fer of certain parts of the Wampanoag territories, and thus doubtless saved the Indians in various tribes a home. Pokano- ket, the hereditary home, was thus saved to Philip's people ; and here he lived at the time of the opening of the war. This place was called by the English " Mount Hope," and it is now embraced in the town of Bristol, R.I.

It will not be necessary to discuss the causes leading up to the war. It is enough to say here, that the English had assumed the government of the country, and followed their course of settle ment with small regard to the rights of the natives. In some of the plantations, the settlers purchased their lands of the Indians, as a matter of precaution ; partly that they might have that show of title in case any other claim should be set up in opposition to theirs, and partly to conciliate the savages, whose hostility they feared, and whose friendship was profitable in the way of trade, in furs and other products of the hunt. The Indians were always at disadvantage with the English, in all the arts of civilized life. The English paid no heed to Indian laws or customs or tradi tions ; and ruthlessly imposed their own laws, customs, and re ligious ideas, with no apparent thought of their intolerance and injustice. They made treaties with the savages in the same terms which they would have used had they been dealing with a civilized nation. They made out deeds, in language which only the learned framers themselves could understand. In brief, the Pilgrims and Puritans mostly looked upon the Indians as heathen, whose " inheritance " God meant to give to his people, as of old he had dealt with Israel and their heathen. There were some, how ever, who, with Rev. John Eliot, believed that the Indians had immortal souls, and that they were given to God's people to edu cate and save. But there was nothing which the rulers of the Indians resented more persistently, nor complained of more fre quently, than the attempts of the Christians to convert their people. Indirectly one of these converted Indians was the im mediate cause of the opening of hostilities. There wero many grievances of which the Indians complained ; but they had not the foresight to see the inevitable result of the constantly increas ing power of the English, in their acquisition of land, and multi plying of settlements. It was only when they felt the pressure of actual privation or persecution, that they began to think of opposition or revenge. Their chiefs had been summoned fre quently before the English courts to answer for some breach of law by their subjects ; several times the English had demanded that whole tribes should give up their arms because of the fault

26 KING PHILIP'S WAR.

of one or a few. The Indians lived mostly by hunting and fish ing, and at the time of the war used fire-arms almost wholly. They had learned their use and bought the arms of the English, nearly always at exorbitant prices. They were expert in the use of their guns, and held them as the most precious of their possessions. The order to give these over to the English, with their stock of ammunition, was regarded by them as robbery, as indeed in most cases it was, as they seldom regained their arms when once given up. We can now see that from their standpoint there were grievances enough to drive them to rebellion. But our forefathers seem to have been unable to see any but their own side. But now to the story.

John Sassamon (Mr. Hubbard says Sausaman) was the son of a Wampanoag Indian who, with his wife and family, lived in Dor chester. They had been taught by Mr. Eliot, and professed the Christian faith. The son John was the pupil of Mr. Eliot from his early youth, and was made a teacher among the Christian Indians at Natick. Mr. Hubbard says that " upon some misde meanor " there, he went to the Wampanoags, where he became the secretary and interpreter of the chief, to whom he was a most valuable assistant and trusted adviser. He was soon prevailed upon by Mr. Eliot to return to Natick, where he became a preacher, while still preserving friendly relations with Philip and his tribe. In 1672-3 he was at Namasket as preacher among the Indians, whose chief was Tuspaquin, whose daughter Sassa mon had married. While here he discovered that a plot was in process, extending among many tribes, to exterminate or drive away the English settlers from the country. This plot Sassamon disclosed to the authorities at Plymouth, and afterwards the story was told to the Massachusetts authorities ; and Philip was summoned to answer to the charge. At the examination, where nothing positive could be proved against Philip, he found by the evidence that Sassamon had betrayed him, and he immediately condemned him to death in his council. The sentence was car ried out January 29, 1674-5, while Sassamon was fishing through the ice upon Assawomset Pond. His executioners were brought to punishment, and it was discovered that the deed was done by Philip's order. The trial was in March, 1675, and the principal actor, Tobias, and his accomplice, Mattashunannamoo, were exe cuted as murderers, June 8, 1675 ; while Tobias's son, who was present but took no part in the crime, was reprieved for one month and then shot. After the execution of the two in June, Philip threw off all disguise as to his plan, and pushed his preparations as diligently as possible. The plan had been to com plete preparations and include all the tribes in New England, so that a simultaneous assault could be made upon all the settle ments at once. This plan was spoiled, and probably the settle ments saved from destruction, by the impatience of the leader's

TROOPS MARCH TO MOUNT HOPE. 27

vengeance. While Philip's preparations went forward, the authorities thought best not to make any immediate military demonstration further than the placing of a guard by the various settlements to prevent a surprise. They thought Philip would soon tire of holding his men in arms and training, so that they could get him in their power. But his company increased, and the younger warriors began to demand some open act of hostility. At last they began not only to insult the English settlers in the nearest settlements, by their words of insolence and threats, but to shoot their cattle and plunder their houses. The Indians in creased greatly in numbers, from the neighboring tribes, many "strange Indians" appearing among them, and most of their women and children being sent away to the Narraganset country. At Swansy they appeared in considerable numbers, and used all their ways of provocation to induce some act of resistance from the settlers ; and at last, upon June 24th, one man was so en raged at the shooting of his cattle and the attempt to rifle his house, that he shot at an Indian, wounding him. Upon this the Indians began open and indiscriminate hostility, and on that day eight or nine of the English at Swansy were killed and others wounded. Two men were sent for a surgeon, but were waylaid and slain, their bodies left upon the road. Messengers sent from the English authorities to treat with Philip and prevent an out break, came upon the bodies of the men slain in the highway, and speedily turned back. The Colonies awoke to the fact that an Indian war was upon them, but supposed that a few companies sent down to Swansy would at once overawe the savages and reduce them to submission. A speedy muster was made, both at Plymouth and Boston, and on the afternoon of June 26th, five companies were mustering or on the march from the two colonies. The details of the account of the war will be found in the body of the following chapters. Here only a brief outline of current events can be given. The first company of infantry from Boston was made up from the regular military companies of the town. A company of cavalry, or "troopers," was gathered from the regular organization in three counties. A third company, of " volunteers," was raised about the town and vicinity, from all sorts of adventurers, seafaring men and strangers, with a number of prisoners who had been convicted of piracy and condemned to death, but were now released to engage in fighting the In dians. Capt. Daniel Henchman commanded the first company, Capt. Thomas Prentice the troopers, and Capt. Samuel Mosely the "volunteers." These three companies marched out of Boston on the 26th and 27th and arrived at Swansy on the 28th, having formed a junction with the Plymouth forces under Major James Cudworth and Capt. Fuller, these having been in the field several days already. The forces quartered about the house of Rev. John Miles, the minister at Swansy, whose

28 KING PHILIP'S WAR.

place was nearest the bridge leading over the river into Philip's dominions. Some of the troopers that evening rode across the bridge and had a slight skirmish with the enemy. On the 29th, Major Thomas Savage arrived with another company of foot with Capt. Nicholas Paige's troop. Major Savage took command of the Massachusetts forces ; while, according to the custom in the United Colonies, the senior officer of the colony in which the forces were engaged at the time became commander-in-chief. The present seat of war being in Plymouth Colony, Major Cud- worth was thus the commander of the whole army. On June 80th, the troopers, supported by Mosely's company, charged across the bridge for a mile into the woods, driving the enemy before them into swamps, with a loss of five or six, Ensign Perez Savage being severely wounded on the English side. This charge so frightened the Indians that they fled, in the night, out of their peninsula of Mount Hope, across the channel to Pocas- set, now Tiverton, R.L, so that on the next day when the whole force marched over into Mount Hope, and marched back and forth sweeping the country with their lines, they found no enemy. The forces were engaged several days in scouting the neighboring country in search of the Indians, not yet knowing that the main body were in Pocasset.

Then orders came from Boston for Major Savage's forces to march into Narraganset, to enforce a treaty with that powerful tribe, and prevent their junction with Philip. The}^ found the country apparently deserted, few except the very aged being left in any of the villages. Neither Canonchet nor any of his leading Sachems could be found. The officers, however, spent several days completing a very ceremonious treaty with some of the old men whom they were able to bring together. Canonchet after wards treated the whole matter with scorn as being a farce.

In the meantime the Ptymouth forces passed over to Pocasset and found a body of Indians, and had a skirmish with them. Capt. Fuller was in command, and Benjamin Church conducted a part of the force, which became engaged with a much larger force, and after hard fighting were drawn off with difficulty by the tact and courage of Mr. Church, after inflicting serious injury upon the enemy, and suffering little loss themselves. After this the Indians retired into the swamps about Pocasset, and were held at bay until the return of the Massachusetts forces ; when all marched together for concerted action against their enemies.

On July 18th the combined forces arrived at the Pocasset swamp, and made a resolute attack upon the enemy concealed in the thick underbrush, from whence at the first volley they killed five and wounded seven of our men. After this volley the enemy retreated deeper into the swamp, where it was impossible, night coming on, to follow them. The commanders in council

PHILIP RETREATS TO POCASSET SWAMP. 29

concluded that they had the enemy now enclosed securely within the swamp, whence it was impossible to escape, if a suitable guard were left to watch. Major Savage and the Massachusetts men returned to Boston, except Capt. Henchman's company of one hundred men, who, with the Plymouth forces, remained at Pocasset. Capt. Henchman began to build a fort there, which might serve as a stronghold for the English and might guard the entrance to the great swamp.

The English were deceived by the apparent easy conquest of both the Wampanoags and Narragansets, and believed they had overawed them and set their hostility at rest, and now might take their own time in crushing Philip and thus finishing the war.

Plymouth Colony had been engaged from the first in seeking to conciliate the tribes, in their bounds, which were related to Philip. Through the efforts of Mr. Benjamin Church, a resident of Seconet, who was acquainted on pleasant terms with nearly all the tribes in the colony, negotiations were held with Awa- shonks the squaw-sachem of the Seconet Indians, and Weetamoo the squaw-sachem or " queen " of the Pocasset tribe. Awashonks and most of her people passed over into the Narraganset country at the opening of active hostilities, and thus avoided joining Philip ; but Weetamoo and her people were swept along with him in his retreat towards the Nipmuck country. Plymouth companies were abroad, too, scouting the country in the effort to protect their settlements, exposed, like Dartmouth, Middle- boro', etc. They also established a garrison at Mount Hope after Philip retreated to Pocasset, to prevent his return. The entrance of Philip into the Pocasset swamps compelled the cooperation of the hesitating Weetamoo, and afforded him a safe hiding-place to recruit and prepare for his flight northward.

In the meantime the Massachusetts authorities had begun negotiations with the various Western tribes. Seven of the principal towns had been visited and treaties made with each. On July 16th Ephraim Curtis returned to Boston and reported the Quabaugs gathered at a great island in a swamp beyond Brookfield, and showing a defiant and hostile spirit. The Council immediately sent Capt. Edward Hutchinson, escorted by Capt. Thomas Wheeler and his mounted company, with Curtis as guide, to find the Indians and bring them to terms. The company, accompanied by some friendly Naticks, arrived at Brookfield on August 1st, and immediately sent Curtis with the guides to arrange for a meeting next day. The Quabaugs, whose leader was the famous Muttaump, agreed to come next day to a plain some three miles from Brookfield to meet the English. The next morning, the company, with three of the chief men of Brookfield, rode out to the appointed place, but found no Indians. Urged by the Brooktield men, but against the earnest

30 KING PHILIP'S WAR.

remonstrance of the Naticks, they rode forward towards the place where Curtis met them the day before. But coming to a narrow defile between a high rocky hill and an impenetrable swamp, and riding single file, they found themselves caught in a great ambuscade of the Indians, who let them pass along until they were able to surround them, and then rose altogether and fired into their column at close range. They killed eight men outright and wounded five, including Capts. Htitchinson and Wheeler, the former mortally. The English were forced to retreat, fighting, up the hill ; and, under the skilful conduct of their Indian guides, were able to make a safe retreat to Brook- field, where they gathered the people and fortified a house just before the Indians came sweeping furiously down upon the village. Here they defended themselves against great numbers for several days, till Major Willard and Capt. Parker came with a company and reinforced the garrison, when the enemy retired.

At Pocasset, Capt. Henchman continued building his fort, and Philip was making ready for his flight. The English seem not to have contemplated the possibility of a general war, nor to have at all appreciated the gravity of the present situation in the col onies. Philip with all his fighting-men and the greater part of his own and Weetamoo's people, escaped across the river and passed through the open plain in Rehoboth, where they were dis covered by some of the settlers. A scouting party from Taunton made the discovery that it was Philip's Indians who were thus escaping. The situation of affairs may be briefly stated. Capt. Henchman was guarding the swamp wherein Philip and his people were supposed to be securely trapped. Major Cudworth and Capt. Fuller were at Dartmouth with a company of one hun dred and twelve men. Lieut. Nathaniel Thomas, of Marshfield, was at the Mount Hope garrison with twenty men. At Rehoboth a company of Mohegan Indians under Oneko, under convoy of Corporal Thomas Swift, arrived from Boston on the 30th on their way to Capt. Henchman at Pocasset. Upon the alarm, Rev. Mr. Newman, of Rehoboth, began to organize a company of volunteers for the pursuit of the Indians. Lieut. Thomas, with a small de tachment, happened to come to Rohoboth on the 30th, and hear ing of the escape, hastened back to carry the news to Capt. Henchman, and urge his cooperation. Lieut. Thomas then, on the 31st, took eleven men of his Mount Hope garrison, and being joined by Lieut. James Brown, of Swansy, with twelve men, marched in the pursuit. The Rehoboth men, with some volun teers from Providence and Taunton, led by the Mohegans, had started earlier upon the trail of the enemy. Lieut. Thomas and his party overtook the others at sunset, and after a brief council- of-war, sent out their scouts, Indian and English, to discover the movements of the fugitives. Having found that they had en camped for the night, and apparently not suspecting pursuit, the

PHILIP ESCAPES TO THE STIPMUCKS. 31

English left their horses with a guard, and, with the Mohegans in the van, marched silently forward to a field, at a place called " Nipsachick " (said to be within the present town of Burrillville, R.I.). The night being very dark, they were forced to wait for light. At dawn they made their attack upon what proved to be Weetamoo's camp. The Indians were taken by surprise and fled, leaving everything behind them. But the Mohegans and English rushing forward found themselves confronted with Philip's fight ing-men entrenched behind trees and rocks ready for battle. Adopting the tactics of the enemy, the English and their allies engaged them fiercely until 9 o'clock, when still fighting desper ately, but with powder nearly spent, the hostiles sullenly retired, leaving many of their dead upon the field. Some twenty-three of the enemy were killed, it is said, including a prominent chief, Woonashum, called by the English, Nimrod. Of the English, two were killed and one wounded.

Near the close of the fight, Rev. Mr. Newman and a party came up, bringing supplies. Capt. Henchman arrived after the fight, having sailed to Providence and marched up thence, with sixty- eight soldiers and sixteen friendly Indians. He immediately took command, but concluded not to push the pursuit until next day. The Rehoboth. and Providence men returned home, to bring up supplies for the further pursuit. They hastened back next day with all speed, but found to their great disappointment that Capt. Henchman had not moved until that same day, giving the enemy a full day's start ; and Lieut. Thomas and his party overtook him on the evening of August 3d, at a place called by them in the report, " Wapososhequash." The enemy were beyond pursuit, a part (Weetamoo's people, except the fighting-men) having turned off into the Narraganset country, while Philip and the rest passed into the great forests beyond Quabaug. The Mohegans went to their own country on August 4th, accompanied by Lieut. Brown and a small party, to Norwich, to secure provisions and news of the enemy. After awaiting the return of this party three days, Capt. Henchman, on August 7th, marched back to Mendon, meet ing Capt. Mosely with a company of dragoons coming up from Providence with supplies. Next day Capt. Henchman went up to Boston, and the Rehoboth men returned home. Capt. Mosely was left in command at Mendon. Capt. Henchman was relieved of command in the field and was sent to bring off his men re maining at Pocasset. Mendon had been attacked July 14th, by a party of Nipmucks, led by Matoonas, and six or more of the settlers were killed while at work in their fields.

When the Indians returned from their siege of Brookfield, they met Philip and his people in the woods and told him of their exploit. He was greatly pleased, and gave some of the chiefs presents of wampum, and promised them fresh supplies of ammu nition and arms. The Brookfield affair had the effect of bringing

32 KING PHILIP'S WAR.

in the faltering tribes, and Philip's coming confirmed the plan to clear the Connecticut Valley of English settlers. Massachusetts Colony raised several companies to protect the frontiers. Capt. Mosely with his own and Capt. Henchman's men marched from Mendon, and Capts. Thomas Lathrop of Essex County with a fine company, and Richard Beers of Watertown with another, marched to Brookfield, where their forces were joined by Capt. Watts of Connecticut with two companies of English and Indians. Major Willard took command of this force, and broke it into several parties in order to better protect the several settlements. These companies were engaged in scouting the frontiers and guarding supplies sent up to the various garrisons. The Springfield Indians, hitherto pretending friendship, fled and joined the hostiles on the night of August 24 ; and the English, pursuing, had a sharp fight with them at a swamp near Mt. Wequomps, losing nine of their own men. The English troops were concentrated at Iladley under the general command of Major Pynchon. On September 1st the Indians attacked Deerfield, burning most of the houses and killing one of the garrison soldiers, and withdrew. On the 2d they fell upon Northfield, where many of the people were abroad at work in the fields, and the women and children at the houses in the town. The assault was from all quarters at once, and many were killed in the fields and as they escaped from their houses to the garrison. The Indians burned most of their houses and drove away their cattle. On the 3d, Capt. Beers, with thirty mounted men and an ox-team, was sent to bring off the garrison of Northfield, not knowing of this attack. This force on the next day was ambushed at Saw-Mill Brook, near North- field, and Capt. Beers and some twenty of his men were killed. Next day Major Treat with a hundred men marched up to North- field, finding and burying the dead of Capt. Beers' company, and then bringing off the garrison. It was now decided to strengthen the garrisons and act upon the defensive. Upon September 18th Capt. Lathrop with his company was sent to convoy teams bring ing loads of grain from Deerfield to Hadley. A strong ambuscade was made at a place known since as " Bloody Brook," and there the Indians encompassed and massacred nearly the whole company, some eighty, including the teamsters. Only eight or ten escaped. The number killed was between sixtj' and seventy. Capt. Mosely came hastily from Deerfield upon hearing the shots, and engaged the great company of several hundreds of Indians, charging in amongst them with intrepid fury which drove them headlong before him into the woods and swamps ; but, finding them gather ing in immense numbers and seeking to surround him, he threw out his lines to prevent being flanked, and began a cautious retreat ; when Major Treat coming upon the field, the Indians, seeing the reinforcements, fled.

These terrible reverses threw a gloomy, superstitious fear over

THE NARRAGAXSET CAMPAIGN. 33

the Colonies. The English troops, hitherto despising the Indians in war, now seemed helpless before them. On September 26th the Indians assaulted Springfield, west of the river, burning the houses and barns. On October 5th the enemy made some dem onstrations at Hadley; the soldiers were drawn from Spring field to strengthen the garrison ; the Indians fell upon the latter village and destroyed it, before the companies could return to save it. After this blow, Major Pynchon begged the Court to appoint a commander of the forces on the river in his place, and Major Samuel Appleton was appointed, and by advice of the Council garrisoned the various towns not abandoned, and then withdrew the other troops to Boston. The Connecticut troops helped to garrison Northampton and Westfield, and the Indians withdrew to their winter camps. Philip had long since gone into winter quarters above Albany.

But now the Colonies determined to strike the Narragausets in their own country before they should be able to join the hostiles. A great muster was made in three colonies, and an army of one thousand men was raised and equipped, half of which was sent from Massachusetts. The Narragansets were entrenched in a very strong position in a great swamp in what is now South Kingston, R.I. It was claimed that great numbers of Wampan- oags and other hostiles were among them finding refuge, and they were defiant and threatening. The English forces under com mand of Gen. Winslow, of Plymouth, gathered at Wickford, and on December 19th, 1675, marched some twenty miles through intense cold and a heavy snow-storm, to the swamp ; the waters had been frozen by the severe cold, and this fact made it possible for the English to reach the rude fortifications. Without waiting for any organized attack, the Massachusetts troops, being at the front in the march, rushed forward across the ice in an impetuous charge, and into the entrance, where the Indians had constructed rude flankers, and placed a strong block-house in front, so that the first to enter were met with a terrible enfilading fire from front and flanks, and were forced back for a time ; but others coming on pressed into the breach, and, though suffering severe losses, at last stormed all the fortifications, drove the enemy from every line of entrenchments within the fort, and out into the woods and swamps beyond. They set fire to the wigwams and store-houses of the savages, in which were burned many of the aged, women, and children. Then taking their wounded, the English took up their march back through the deep snow to Wickford, where they arrived the next morning.

The details of this fight, as well as the subsequent movements of this campaign, are given at length in the chapters of which this chapter is the compendium, and are briefly passed here. The Narragansets kept well out of the way of the English army, and made many pretences of negotiating peace; but at last, about

34 KING PHILIP'S WAR.

January 26th, having made several raids into the settlements, and captured numbers of cattle and horses, Canonchet with his strong rear-guard took up his line of retreat for the north, and two days afterwards the army, some twelve hundred strong, marched in pursuit. The Mohegans and Pequots, among the Connecticut forces, led the pursuit, and had several sharp skirmishes with the enemy, always retreating northward. This running fight was kept up for several days, until provisions having failed and no base of supplies possible, the General abandoned the pursuit and marched his troops to Marlborough and thence to Boston. The men suffered severely in this march, from hunger, and it was known for several generations as the " hungry march."

The Connecticut forces separated from the others on February 3d, and the main body of the army arrived in Boston on the 8th and were dismissed. A company under Capt. Wadsworth was left at Marlborough to guard the frontiers and neighboring towns. Canonchet and his great and warlike Narraganset tribe, maddened by what they believed their wrongs, and thirsting for vengeance, were now joined with Philip and the other hostile tribes, and all within an easy day's call, except Philip and his band, who still remained in their retreat beyond Albany. The time was critical for the settlements ; prompt action was necessary on the part of the Indian leaders, to keep their young men in courage and training. Upon February 10th the Indians in great force fell upon Lancaster, and nearly destroyed the town. They killed or took captive fifty of the people. Among the captives was Mrs. Rowlandson, wife of the minister. One garrison-house was saved by the arrival of Capt. Wadsworth and his company from Marlborough. On February 21st a strong body of the enemy surprised Medfield, although a large force of soldiers was then in the town. There were no guards set, nor other precautions taken. The soldiers were scattered about in the houses, and the Indians placed ambuscades in front of each house, and shot them down as they rushed out upon the alarm. The enemy were frightened away by the firing of a cannon, and crossed the river, burning the bridge behind them. Another army was now raised and sent to the Connecticut River towns, to protect them, and try to bring the enemy to battle. There were said to be two great fortified camps : one near the u Wachusett Hill," and the other at Menameset, beyond Brook- field. The army was under command of Major Thomas Savage, and consisted of three foot companies and a troop of horse from Massachusetts. Connecticut sent several companies of English and friendly Indians. A number of Christian Indians from the Naticks went with Major Savage. The army marched to Mena meset, March 2d-4th, to find the enemy gone. They pursued them to Miller's River, across which they escaped. It was thought that this great body of the enemy would now fall upon

WAR IN THE RIVER TOWNS, WEST. 35

the western towns, so that the army marched thither, abandoning the design upon " Wachusett Hill " encampment. Major Savage disposed his forces to guard the towns. On March 14th an attack was made upon Northampton, but was repulsed with severe loss to the enemy. On the 24th they appeared at Hatfield, but finding it well garrisoned made no attack, though driving off some horses and cattle. The Indians began to prepare for plant ing fields along the river ; and Canonchet with a body of his men went back to their country to bring up seed-corn, of which large quantities were there stored. It is probable that a large company went towards Plymouth Colony, a small party of whom destroyed the house and family of Mr. Clarke at Plymouth village. March 17th they burned Warwick. Plymouth Colony sent out a com pany of fifty men under Capt. Michael Peirse, of Marshfield, to protect its frontiers. A party of twenty friendly Indians under " Capt. Amos " was joined with Capt. Peirse. This company marched to Seekonk, and there had a sharp skirmish with the Indians on the evening of March 25th. Next day, supposing they had beaten the Indians, they pursued them and were drawn into an ambush and surrounded, near Patuxit River, with great numbers, so that they were obliged to fight to the death. The whole company, including the officers, were killed, together with eight out of the twenty Indians. The enemy, too, lost very heavily. March 28th and 29th the Indians burned seventy houses and thirty barns at Providence.

In the meantime, in Massachusetts the enemy were not idle. Lurking parties hovered about Groton, plundering the vacated houses, and driving away any stray cattle within safe reach. On March 13th they fell upon the town in force. The people were gathered in five garrison-houses. One of the garrison-houses was captured, but the people mostly escaped to another. The other garrison-houses were stoutly defended. The Indians burned the unfortified houses and withdrew. On March 26th, the fatal day of Capt. Peirse's destruction, they burned sixteen houses and thirteen barns at Marlborough. Capt. Brocklebank, then in command at Marlborough, sent out a party in pursuit, who overtook and surprised the enemy at night sleeping about their fires, fired into their midst and put them to flight. On the same day, at Longmeadow, a party going to Springfield to church was ambushed by a small company of Indians, and several were captured and killed.

Finding the campaign to have failed in its main object, the Council ordered Major Savage to withdraw his troops, leaving Capt. Wm. Turner, with a hundred and fifty men, to garrison the towns. April 7th the army marched homeward.

But now the Connecticut authorities, fearing a return of the Narragansets to their vicinity, in numbers such as overwhelmed Capt. Peirse, mustered a mixed company of English and Indians,

36 KIXG PHILIP'S WAR.

and sent them into the Narraganset country under command of Capts. Denison and A very. These, guided by a captive whom they had taken, surprised and captured Canonchet not far from the Patuxit river, where he was encamped with a few of his men, while the great body were scattered, scouting and foraging. He was soon after executed by Oneko, by the judgment of the English authorities. The death of Canonchet was really the death-blow of the war, for he was the real leader of all active operations at this time. Philip was still the chief instigator, however, and now more than before, became, for the time, the controlling mind of a larger number than ever before. There were dissensions, however, and many of the chiefs began to mur mur and some to threaten against him as the cause of all their troubles. Some of the river tribes began to show signs of weakening, and proposed negotiations with the English. Philip withdrew to the stronghold near Wachuset with such as adhered to him, and with Quinnapin, and such of the Narragansets as followed him. The Indians were still active, and watched every chance to strike a blow. They came to Marlborough on April 18th and burned the abandoned houses of the settlers. Capt. Brocklebank commanded the garrison there and refused to be drawn out into the ambuscades, which, before the burning, the Indians had set. On April 20th they crept down and encom passed the town of Sudbury. On that day Capt. Wadsworth marched up from Boston with a company of fifty men, passed through Sudbury, and doubtless the lines of the enemy, without any knowledge of their vicinity. He forced his march to the garrison at Marlborough, where they arrived about midnight on the 20th, and without delay, leaving their recruits, took those relieved to come home, including Capt. Brocklebank, and came back towards Sudbury. The great numbers of Indians had en compassed the town, and in the morning of the 21st began to burn outlying houses, to draw out the inhabitants from the garri son. They soon made a furious and persistent attack on Haines' garrison from morning till mid-day, but were beaten off, until rumors of reinforcements from various quarters caused them to withdraw to meet these. Edward Cowell and eighteen troopers coming to the relief of Sudbury were attacked, but escaped with only four killed ; they turned back, suspecting the ambush laid for them. Capt. Wadsworth soon after arrived by another road, and meeting with an outpost of the enemy, rushed forward to engage them, and, as usual, they soon found themselves sur rounded by great numbers, and were forced to a position on a hill, where most of the company fell fighting, including Capts. Wadsworth, Brocklebank, and Lieut. Sharpe. Some sixteen of the company managed to escape to a mill, and there defended themselves until relieved. A company from Watertown arrived soon after Captain Wadsworth, and crossing the river, made a

WAR IN THE RIVER TOWNS, WEST. 37

brave attempt to get to the hill to join him in his desperate fight, but were nearly surrounded themselves and forced to retire. Capt. Hunting with a company of Christian Indians and a squad of troopers arrived from Chaiiestown late in the afternoon, in time to rescue the men at the mill. After this fight, in which they struck such a terrible blow, and so close to Boston, too, they seem to have retired to their several camps, and soon to have gathered to their great fishing-places in order to take the run of fish. Capt. Turner was still in command of the garrisons at the west. From captives who had escaped, and scouts here and there, came rumors of a great company of Indians fishing at the " Upper Falls " of the Connecticut. Capt. Turner and his officers were anxious to strike a blow against the enemy, and Connecticut authorities were applied to, and promised speedy reinforcements. On May 12th the Indians made a raid into Deerfield meadows and stampeded some seventy head of cattle belonging to the English. Roused by this fresh outrage, the people urged retaliation, and Capt. Turner and his officers deter mined to attack the Indians at their great fishing-place at once. On May 18th the whole company of soldiers and volunteers, about one hundred and fifty, mustered at Hatfield, and marched out at evening towards the " Falls." They eluded the outposts of the enemy, and at daylight arrived undiscovered at the camp of the Indians at the fishing-place. The savages were asleep in their wigwams, and the English rushed down upon them and shot them by scores, pointing their muskets in through the wig wam doors. No resistance was possible, and those who escaped the first fire fled in terror to the river, pursued by the soldiers, and were cut down or driven into the water without mercy; many were drowned attempting to cross the river.

But it was soon found that there were several other great bodies of the Indians, above and below the Falls on both sides of the river, and these began to swarm towards the fight. Capt. Turner now prudently began a retreat, having struck his blow. As the soldiers retired the enemy gathered in great numbers upon rear and flanks, seeking to force the English into narrow defiles Capt. Holyoke commanded the rear-guard, and checked the enemy by stout fighting, but for which, it is likely, the whole command would have been lost. Capt. Turner led the advance, and while crossing Green River was shot down by Indians lying in wait. Capt. Holyoke then led the company back to Hatfield, fighting nearly the whole way. There the killed and missing numbered forty-five. A few came in afterwards, reducing the number of the lost to about forty. It is estimated that some two hundred Indians must have been destroyed.

The blow struck by Capt. Turner greatly intimidated the enemy, though the retreat was so disastrous to the English. The tribes became divided and demoralized. They seem to have

38 KING PHILIP'S WAR.

broken up into small wandering parties. Philip, with large num bers of his adherents, went down towards Plymouth. Massachu setts sent troops to the western frontiers again, and also to aid Plymouth. The operations in the field were mostly the pursuit of non-combatants, the aged, and women and children. Large numbers of the Wampanoags and Narragansets had now returned with Philip to their own country. Small parties from time to time plundered and killed as opportunity offered. The colonists were roused to new activity at the evident weakening of the Indians. Aid was sent to Plymouth, under Capts. Brattle and Mosely ; and Capt. Henchman did good service in the parts about Brookfield. Major Talcott, with a mixed force of English and Indians, about five hundred in all, came up the river and marched into Hadley about the llth of June, and was quartered there on the 12th, when the Western Indians, some seven hundred strong, made their last great assault in force in these parts. The town was quite strongly garrisoned besides this reinforcement, of which probably the enemy knew nothing. - The attack was alto gether unexpected and was furious and determined, but the repulse was decided and sanguinary. Major Talcott then led his force down into the Narraganset country, where, about the 2d of July, he encountered a great body of Indians, and driving them into the woods and swamps slew great numbers, and took many captives. The plight of the savages was pitiful ; without ammunition, without leadership, without countiy or hope of any sort, they found no mercy now at the hands of their olden foes, the Mohegans and Pequods, nor yet the English.

The remaining operations of the war in these parts were simply the hunting down of almost defenceless enemies. The colonial authorities issued a proclamation, calling all those Indians who had been engaged in the war to come in and surrender, submitting themselves to the judgment of the English courts. Many parties sought to take advantage of this, but were captured upon their approach by scouting parties, and treated as captives. Some of those who had been prominent in the war and could not hope for mercy, escaped to the eastward and put themselves under the protection of Wannalancet and his Pennacooks, who had remained neutral. Some fled farther to the east, and there incited war.

The constant success which the Connecticut troops had always had after their use of the Mohegans and Pequods, was a plain rebuke to the Massachusetts colonists for the numerous disasters from which the Christian Indians might have saved them, if they had trusted and employed them. As soon as Capt. Hunting and his Indian company were put in the field, this appeared. The Indians in small parties skulking in woods and swamps might have eluded English soldiers for years, but as soon as other Indians were employed, escape was impossible.

At the close of July, many of Philip's followers had been

DEATH OF PHILIP, AUGUST 12, 1676. 39

taken, and his wife and several of his chief men were captives or had been killed. With a small band of his followers he was hiding in the swamps at Mount Hope and Pocasset. English scouting parties were active in all parts of the colonies hunting down the trembling and unresisting fugitives, and especially Philip. Benjamin Church was among the most active in hunting and bringing in the Indians, and when one of Philip's men came to betray his chief, he found Mr. Church at Major Sanford's in Rhode Island, with his scouting party of English and Indians a short distance away. Upon the news of Philip's hiding-place and the offer of the Indian to lead thither, Mr. Church gathered as many as he could enlist in addition to his party, and, under the lead of the Indian deserter (who acted, it is said, from motives of revenge for his brother's death, by Philip's hand, because he advised him to make peace with the English), the party marched with great secrecy to Mount Hope. Mr. Church arranged his attack with skill, and came upon Philip's party unguarded and asleep, and Philip springing up and attempting to escape to the swamp near by, was confronted with two of Mr. Church's guards, an Englishman and an Indian. The English man's gun missed fire, but the Indian, named " Alderman," imme diately fired and shot the great chief through the breast, so that he fell forward into the water of the swamp, upon his face, dead. Philip was killed August 12th, 1676. Weetamoo's party, the sad remnant of her tribe, had been captured on the 7th, and she, trying to escape across a river, was drowned, and, her body being found, her head was cut off and paraded in the public streets.

After Philip's death, his chief counsellor, Annawon, led the rest of the party out of the swamp and escaped. With his party he soon after surrendered to Mr. Church. The death of Philip was practically the close of the war, though hostilities continued for some time after, and at the eastward for a year or more longer. At Dover, Major Richard Walderne had held command of the military interests and operations in those parts. He was a trusted friend of Wannalancet and the neighboring Indians. Under the proclamation the old chief and his people came in without fear, as they had taken no part whatever in the war. There were many Indians with them, however, it was suspected, who had been among the hostiles, and now wished to come in with the Pennacooks and secure the advantages of their influence in giving themselves up. They began to come in at Dover about the first of September, and when, on the 6th, the companies, sent to the eastward under Capt. Hathorn, arrived at Dover, there were some four hundred there, including the Pennacooks. In some way the immediate surrender of all these was received, probably by Major Walderne's great influence with them. They were then disarmed, and as the Massachusetts officers insisted upon treating them all as prisoners of war, Major Walderne was

40 KING PHILIP'S WAR.

obliged to send all, save Wannalancet and his " relations," down to Boston to be tried there by the Court. The number sent was about two hundred.

Some of the Southern Indians, having lost all except their own lives, passed to the Eastern tribes and were active in exciting to hostility. The local Indians had been hostile the previous year, committing depredations from the Kennebec to Portsmouth. In the summer of 1676, it is thought that many who had been among the Indians in the war, came to these tribes and caused much of the trouble which ensued. The day before Philip's death the Indians fell upon the settlers at Falmouth, and killed or carried away some thirty-four persons and burned their houses. Further eastward also the settlements were attacked. It was upon these occasions that Capt. Hathorn's force was sent to these parts. They marched on from Dover on September 8th, as far as Falmouth, Capt. Hunting's Indians scouting the woods. This expedition was not of much avail, as the Indians easily eluded the troops, being only war parties without the encumbrance of women and children.

In November, 1676, a company was sent up into the mountain regions of New Hampshire to break up a winter encampment of the Ammoscoggin and Pigwacket Indians, who had been active in the hostile movements at the eastward settlements during the summer and fall, and were now said to be gathering into winter quarters in a great fort, near " Ossapy Lake."

After a severe march, the fort was discovered, but no signs of Indians, and after scouting in small parties some twelve miles beyond this fort, they burned the same, and marched back to Berwick, having been gone nine days. In the meantime the Peuobscot sagamore, Mugg, or, as he was afterwards called, " Mogg Hegone " (and in Whittier's poem Mogg Megone), came to the English in behalf of Madockawando, the sachem of Penobscot, to treat for peace, and the return of the English captives. A treaty was concluded at Boston, November 6th, 1676, by which Mugg agreed to return all the captives and goods taken from the English, and offered to remain with the English until the same was done. Two vessels were fitted out, and sailed to Penobscot, where they arrived the first week in December, and found the great chief, Madockawando, who received and treated them kindly. He delivered to them two captives, who were then with him, and Mugg was allowed to go up into the country, to try to bring down some others, who were said to be at another camp. He did not return; and the vessels, after a few days' waiting, sailed to Pemaquid, where they received some more English captives, and returned home. Among the captives received at Pemaquid was Thomas Cobbet, son of Rev. Thomas, of Ipswich. He had been among the savages for several months, and his interesting story of his captivity gave much and correct informa-

WAR AT THE EASTWARD. 41

tion in regard to the strength, habits, temper, and intentions of the Indians and their other captives.

Soon after that, another captive, Francis Card, escaped and brought later news, and one item of great importance was that Mugg had returned to the Indians on the Kennebec, who were the real leaders in the war in those parts. He said that Mugg boasted greatly of the trick he had played upon the English, and threatened great things to be done against them in the spring. He gave a minute description of the country, the con dition of the Indians, and the easiest approaches to their places of encampment.

He said that the numbers of the Indians were not so large as reported, their war-party, in full force, being not over a hundred men. The captives with them were well, and not abused, except they were made to work for their captors. Stirred up and encouraged by this report, the Council at Boston raised a force of two hundred men, of whom sixty were Natick Indians, and sent them away by water, to the eastward, the first week in February ; Major Waldron, of Dover, being Commander-in-chief of the expedition. The forces were at Blackpoint on February 17th, and sailed eastward along the shore, landing in Maquoit Bay, where Capt. Frost with his company had a skirmish with a body of the savages, without much loss on either side, and fol lowed next day with an attempt at a treaty. Thence they sailed around to the Kennebec, and landing at Arrowsick Island, left a part of their force there, to build a fort and establish a garrison. Major Waldron, with a part of the company under Capt. Frost, went to Pemaquid and ransomed some captives there ; but, dis covering a plot to destroy himself and a small party who went on shore to treat with the Indians, he called his soldiers ashore, and attacking the enemy furiously, drove them to their canoes which they had near by, killing some, among whom was the sagamore Mattahando, leader in this affair. Sailing back to Arrowsick, Major Waldron gathered his forces together, leaving a small garrison at Kennebec, and went home to Boston, where they arrived safely, without the loss of a man, on March llth, 1677.

In April following an attempt was made by the Massachusetts authorities to enlist the Mohawk Indians against the hostile savages upon the North and Eastern borders. Major Pynchon, of Springfield, with Mr. James Richards of Hartford, and twelve men as a guard, made a journey to the Mohawk country to arrange for their cooperation.

This action was taken with the advice of Gov. Andros, of New York, and some of the Indians did really come into the borders of New Hampshire and Maine ; but the distance was so great from their country that little was achieved except by the terror inspired among the Eastern tribes, by the rumor of their coming.

42 KING PHILIP'S WAR.

This measure was questioned by many as to its lawfulness, in employing heathen to light the battles of the Lord ; but the Gen eral Court fell back upon the scriptural precedent of Abraham employing the Amorites, and so justified its somewhat ques tionable proceeding. The Indians on the Kennebec were not deterred from hostilities, which were renewed by the killing of nine of the garrison left the year before, at that place. So the Massachusetts Court at once called upon the other colonies to assist them in raising a new force to send into those parts. Up to the present time, Massachusetts had borne the whole expense of the Eastern wars, but now call them to raise their proportional part of one hundred English, and two hundred Indian soldiers, to rendezvous at Blackpoint. But in the meantime Massachusetts had acted with promptness in sending Capt. Hunting to bring the remaining garrison at Kennebec, and strengthening the gar risons at Wells with a company under Capt. Benjamin Swett, and at Blackpoint with another company under Lieut. Tippin. In May, the Eastern tribes, elated by their success in driving the English out of their country, gathered all their forces against the above garrisons. The Indian leaders in this campaign were Symon, a renegade Christian Indian, and Mugg, above mentioned, both wary and skilful, and well acquainted with the country around, and with the English people and their habits. The Indian forces under these leaders at this time were well-tried men from the Penobscot, Kennebec, and Ammoscoggin tribes of the Tarratines, ranking as fighters next to the Pequods and Mohawks. They were well equipped and supplied, probably by the French in Canada.

It does not appear that either of the other colonies sent men to assist in this campaign, and the force that was raised by Massa chusetts was too small, and the English part of it/ was mostly of young and untried men and boys who had seen no service except in garrisons. They seem also to have entirely underrated the numbers and temper of the enemy. On the 13th of May, the Blackpoint garrison had beaten off a large body of the Indians after a fierce assault of three days, on the last of which Lieut. Tippin had shot and killed the leader, Mugg ; when the Indians had gone away towards Wells and York, as told above. On July 28th, Capt. Swett, with forty young English recruits, and a com pany of thirty-six Natick Indians, landed at Blackpoint garrison- house, the Indians being under the command of Lieut. James Richardson. Next morning the enemy with quite a large party appeared not far from the fort, when Capt. Swett drew out his whole force, with a number from the garrison, and pursued them with headlong haste about two miles, when, at the edge of a hill, with a dark swamp on each side, they found themselves am bushed, after the old fashion at Brookfield, Deerfield, Sudbury, etc., whose lessons, after two centuries, the American soldiers

AVAR AT THE EASTWARD. 43

have not fully learned. Half the English were shot down at the first volley, and the raw young lads were completely panic- stricken, and unable to make any defence. The Captain with a few tried men rallied and attempted to bring off their wounded and make good a retreat to the fort. The odds were too heavy against him, and having received many wounds, he was at last surrounded and overpowered by the foe, and fell not far from the garrison, still fighting.

Lieut. Richardson fell near the first onset. Forty of the Eng lish and twelve of the Natick Indians were killed at the time. It is not known how many the enemy lost ; but they made no further attempt upon the garrison and soon retired. The next hostile move of these Indians was in a new direction. They cap tured no less than thirteen fishing-vessels with their crews and loads along the Eastern shores.

In August of this year (1677), Gov. Andros, of New York, sent a ship with a force of men to Pemaquid, which, when the Indians understood, they soon, for some reason, came to proper terms of peace, returned the English captives and the captured vessels into the hands of the New York soldiers, by whom they were soon returned home.

Yet another act in this long tragedy was to come. The scene changes to Hatfield, where, September 19th, the people of that village were engaged in raising a house, having no thought of any Indian hostility in the colony. Suddenly they were set upon by a party of River Indians, forty or fifty in number, who had crept about them so secretly that they were unarmed and utterly help less. Some were shot down from the frame of the building. Twelve were killed outright, and some twenty more were made captive and carried to Canada. The story of the captivity and redemption of these last, by the two brave Hatfield men, Ben jamin Wait and Stephen Jennings, is one of the most heroic and interesting of the whole war. The Indians killed one man and captured three more at Deerfield that same day. This was the last act of any considerable importance in the war known as " King Philip's War," the particulars of which are to be related in the following chapters.

THE BEGINNING OF HOSTILITIES IN KING PHILIP'S WAR.

I.

CAPTAIN DANIEL HENCHMAN'S COMPANY.

AT the opening of the war, the colonial militia was quite efficiently organized. Each county had its regiment of " trained soldiers." The regiments of Suffolk and Middlesex counties consisted of fifteen companies of Foot and one of Cavalry each. The Essex regiment was of thirteen Foot and one Cavalry ; — the other counties smaller. There were seventy-three"' organized companies in the Massachusetts Colony, besides an independent cavalry company called the " Three County Troop," made up in Suffolk, Middlesex and Essex. The highest military officer of the colony was Major General Daniel Denison, of Ipswich. The highest regimental officer at this time was Major, or Sergeant Major. These local companies were not sent on active service out of their towns, but men were impressed from the number and placed under officers appointed for special service by the Council. Each company of Foot had a Captain, Lieutenant, Ensign, Clerk, Sergeants, Corporals, and a Drummer. Cavalry had Cornett instead of Ensign and a Trumpeter and Quartermaster. The\ regular number of privates in foot companies was seventy, in ) the cavalry fifty. On special service it was more. The pay of soldiers was 6s. per week, and 5s. was paid for their " dyet." There is no way of determining the rate of pay from Hull's Journal, as all payments are "on acct" and do not specify time of service. Plymouth Colony paid the private soldiers 2s. per day, Drummers 2s. 6d., Sergeant 3s., Ensign 4s., " Lieftenant " 5s., Captain 6s. A "Chyrurgion" or doctor was attached to each expedition. A chaplain also generally served with each expedi tion. The price paid for horses was 18d. per week. Prices of Clothing, "Wastcoats," 6s., Drawers 5s. 6d., "Stockins" 2s., Shirts 6s., Shoes 4s.

On the Mount Hope expedition the soldiers used the Old Matchlock musket, the " Regulation " weapon of that time ; but it was afterwards discarded as not so serviceable as the Flintlock

A 7?

46 KING PHILIP'S WAR.

or " Snaphance." There were no bayonets in use, but each com pany at first had a number of Pikemen, soon found to be useless in an Indian fight. The " Matchlock " was an exceedingly cumbrous affair, and was too long and heavy to fire at arm's length, so that each soldier was obliged to carry a " rest " (a crotched staff pointed at the foot with iron, and attached to his wrist by a string). No. 7 of the orders in musket drill, " Elton's Tactics," was, " Put the string of your rest about your left wrist." The Indians always used the Flintlock, and used slugs, or heavy shot instead of bullets. The other equipments of a foot soldier were a " Snapsack," six feet of match or fuse, a Bandoleer, which was a leathern belt passing over the right shoulder and under the left arm and containing a dozen or more round boxes each hold ing one charge of powder ; a bag of bullets and a horn of prim ing-powder was also attached to this belt. These matters will be more fully treated in the Appendix.

BEGINNING OF HOSTILITIES.

A brief survey of the state of affairs in Boston on June 24th, 1675, when news of the attack of the Indians on Swansea, and Plymouth Colony's appeal for aid, arrived, may be in place here, especially as in Massachusetts Records there is nothing relating to the matter from the adjournment of the Court on May 12 until it was called together on July 19th. It is to be regretted that the records are lost, as we know many important meetings were held in this time. I insert the following fragments, pre served in Mass. Archives, vol. b'7, as testimony of the energy which the Court displayed in answering the appeal of the sister colony.

The following is a portion of a letter from the General Court of Massachusetts Colony to Plymouth Colony, in answer to her appeal for assistance:

June 24. 1675.

Honrd Sr According to what I writ you yesterday we are now con vened in Council to Consider of your desire of a supply .of some men from hence and we have resolved to rayse one hundred foot and 50 horse that shall be speedily upon their march towards Swansey .... and for the furtherance and better management &c we have commis- sionated our faithful friend Major Thomas Savage &c.

[June 24, 1675.] Att a meeting of the General Court on the 24. June 1675. Ordered that the Secretary issue out a warrant to the Con stable of Boston to Impress forthwith five Able and Special horses for the service of the country, and that Capt Savage and Capt Oliver have charge of them, and their men each of them one.

Capt Richard is voted to goe forth in this Expedition (who shame fully refused the Employment).1

'This parenthesis is added by another hand. This captain was John Richard, of the 6th Company, and as he was afterwards a trusted officer in the colony, probably the Court did not agree with the remark of the anonymous writer.

BEGINNING OF HOSTILITIES. 47

Capt Daniel Henchman was chosen and voted to goe forth as Capt of 100 men for the service of this Colony on ye designe to go to Plym outh CoF.

Capt Thomas Prentice is appointed to be Capt of the Horse.

To the Militia of the town of Boston, Cha. Camb. Watertown, Roxbury, Dorchester, Dedham, Brantrey, Weymouth, Hingham, Maulden — You are hereby required in his Majesty's name to take notice that the Govr & Council have ordered 100 able souldjers forth with impressed out of the severall Towns according to the proportions hereunder written for the aid and assistance of our confederate Plym outh in the designe afoote ag8t the Indians, and accordingly you are to warne afsd proportions to be ready at an hours warning from Capt Daniel Henchman who is appointed Captain and Commander of the Foote Company that each souldjer shal have his armes compleat and Snapsack ready to march and not faile to be at the randevous.

To the Committee of

The Council is adjourned till tomorrow at 8 of the clock at Rox bury.

E. R. Sec'y. (i.e. Edward Rawson, Secretary.)

The special commission of Capt. Henchman for this service is also in the Archives, vol. 67.

To D. H. Capt. with the Consent of the Councill for the Colony of Mass, in New England.

Whereas you are apoynted Capt of a foote Company to Serve in this Expedition for the assistance of our neighbors of Plimouth against the insolences and outrages of the natives, these are to wil and require you to take charge of the said Company of foote, mounted as dragoons, & you are to command and instruct your inferior officers and souldjers according to military rules for the service and saftey of the Country, and you to attend such orders from tyme to tyme as you shal receyve from your superior Commanders or the Council of this Colony. Past 25 June 1675

E. R. Secy Signed by ye Govnr

Daniel Henchman appears in Boston as early as March, 1666, when he was employed at a salary of .£40 per annum " to assist Mr Woodmancy in the Grammar Schoole and teach the childere to wright ; " was on a committee with Capts. Gookin, Prentice and Beers, to lay out "the new Plantation at Quansigamond Ponds" (now Worcester), and settle its affairs, in 1667. He was thereafter the chief manager in that settlement, and received the largest number of acres in the first division. He was admitted freeman in 1672 ; was appointed captain of 5th Boston Company, Colonial Militia, May 12, 1675, and commissioned for the special expedition, as above noted. He is seen to have been one of the most trusted officers of the Court.

48 KING PHILIP'S WAR.

Capt. Daniel Henchman m. (probably in England) Sarah, dau. of Hezekiah Woodward, Gentleman, of Uxbridge, Middlesex, England, who, in his will of the 22 : Feb'y 1674, gives " to the five children of my daughter, Sarah Henchman deceased, by Daniel Henchman of Boston in New England," the sum of "twenty pounds apiece, to be paid at their respective ages of twenty-one years." Then he gives all his lands and tenements in Ireland, to the said Daniel Henchman, in trust for the said children. Their five children whose names are known to us were Richard, Hezekiah, Nathaniel, Susanna b. 7 : June : 1667, and William, b. 28 : July : 1669, and died sometime before March 29 : 1673. Sarah, the wife, died ; and Capt. Henchman married, 26 : April, 1162, Mary, dau. of William Poole of Dorchester, by whom he had William (2), b. 29; March, 1673; Jane, b. 25: May : 1674 ; Daniel, b. 16 : June, 1677 ; and Mary, b. 1 : June, 1682. He died at Worcester, 15 : Oct. 1685. His Widow Mary, and his sons Richard and Hezekiah administered upon his estate, which by inventory of 29: Apr. 1686, was rated £1381 : 13 : 09. The surname appears in various forms, as Hinchman, Hincksman, Hinksman, etc. Two of his descendants, through his son Nathaniel, have graduated at Harvard.

CAPT. HENCHMAN MARCHES FROM BOSTON TO MOUNT HOPE.

Pursuant to his commission, Capt. Henchman marshalled his company, and, on the afternoon of June 26 : 1675, marched out from Boston in company with the " troop of horse," under the com mand of Capt. Thomas Prentice, of Cambridge. At Dedham they halted for an hour, during an eclipse of the moon, which occurred on that evening. Then they marched on as far as " Woodcock's Garrison " (Attleboro'), where they arrived in the morning, and waited until the afternoon, when Capt. Mosely with his company of " Volunteers " overtook them, and the three com panies then marched on together to Swansey. They arrived at the house of Rev. John Miles, the minister of Swansey, where they quartered for the night. This was on June 28. On the 29th, Major Thomas Savage, commander-in-chief of the Massa chusetts forces, arrived with his company and the Troop* of Capt. Nicholas Paige. Capt. Plenchman's men were engaged in the movements through Mount Hope, and scouting about the country until July 4th, when they marched back to headquarters at Swansey. At a council of war, July 5th, in consequence of orders received from Boston by hand of Capt. Hutchinson, it was determined to march all the Massachusetts forces into the Narraganset country. Accordingly the next ten days were spent in the march thither, and the treaty with the Sachems. During this time the Plymouth forces under Major James Cudworth, Capt. Matthew Fuller, and Benjamin Church were pursuing Philip into Pocasset ; and Mr. Church "• hasted over and ' borrowed '

HENCHMAN AT MOUNT HOPE. 49

three files of Henchman's men and his lieutenant," to assist in the enterprise. On July 15th, all the Massachusetts forces marched to Rehoboth, on the 16th to Mattapoisett, on the 17th to Taunton, and on the 18th to Pocasset Swamp, where they immediately attacked the Indians, and five English were killed and seven wounded. Owing to the darkness the forces withdrew. It was decided to withdraw all the Massachusetts troops except Capt. Henchman's company, which remained with the Plymouth forces at Pocasset. Maj. Savage, Capts. Paige and Mosely marched back to Boston, and Capt. Prentice with his troop scouted towards Mendon. It was determined to build a fort at Pocasset and " starve Philip out." But near the end of July Philip escaped by water, either wading at low tide, or " wafting " on rafts, and passed into the Nipmuck country, abandoning about one hundred of their women and children in the swamp. Capt. Henchman appears not to have known of Philip's escape until news was brought him from the mainland on July 29th, 30th, etc. Letters to him from Rev. Noah Newman and Peter Hunt, of Rehoboth, were enclosed by him in one of his own to the Governor (which I have copied here), and are preserved in the Mass. Archives, vol. 67. In itself it is the best explana tion of this time at hand. Fort Leverett was at Pocasset, built by Capt. Henchman's company and named for the governor.

Letter of Capt. Daniel Henchman to the Governor. Hona Sr. Fort Leverett, July 31, 1675.

Since my last (of the 28th) the Generall the 29th day landed here one hundred men, his designe to releeve Dartmouth being as reported in some distress ; Past nine of the clock last night Lt Thomas brought me the two first enclosed letters from Rehoboth and Mr James Brown with him to press my going thither, which with what strength I could was yeelded to, (I having just finished the South East flanker of the fort so farr as to be a good defence for my men) drew my company together by a false alarm in the night, some being at a distance get ting stockadoes ; and provided for our March before day taking six files with me and the 17 Indians (all now left) and leaving five files behind to be going on with the work, and the Brigandine ; About 11 of the clock a second post came to acquaint me with the third enclosed letter. Mr Brown and the L* being gon to endeavour the giving of notice to the Gen11 to Warwick and the Narragansett Indians to head Philip, At break I shipped my men in a sloope for Seaconk and while under sail Mr Almie brought word that one Dan. Stanton of the Island at his returne yesterday from Dartmouth affirmes that severall parties of Indians with their armes to the number of about 80 surrendered themselves to that garrison for mercie, who have secured them in an Island by them. After my Company was landed within two miles of Seacouk before all were on shore an other letter came to me from L' Thomas A.dvising to land at Providence being

50 KING PHILIP'S WAR.

nearer to the enemy, I strait remanded my men on bord, gave each one 3 biscakes, a fish and a few raisons with ammunission which may last two or three days, I make bould to encloss to coppies of the letters sent least anything in my whurry might be omitted ; The Lord preserve and spirite you still for this his worke ; my humble service to all those worthies with you ; I would gladly know of yr Honrs welfare ; and begg the prayers of all to God to qualifie me for my present imploy ; being the unfittest of many yet pardon my con fused lines being begun at my Quarters and patched vp in several places

Honrd Sr Yr Honrs Humble Servant D. HENCHMAN.

The above letter was written evidently on the passage to Sea- konk and Providence. He landed at Providence next morning, and marched twenty miles in pursuit of the Indians before he came up with the Plymouth forces and the Mohegans, who had been sent to him from Boston, but had been met by the Rehoboth men and persuaded to join them in the pursuit of Philip ; these had come up with Philip's rear, and had a sharp fight before Capt. Henchman arrived. The Mohegans were now passed to his com mand, and the troops being wearied with the long march bivou acked till morning, and the Plymouth forces returned to Rehoboth, leaving to Capt. Henchman the further pursuit of Philip, which was renewed next morning. With his six files (consisting of sixty-eight men), the fifty Mohegans and the seventeen Naticks, Capt. Henchman marched into the Nip- muck country as far as the "second fort," to a place called Wapososhequish, August 3, but without finding Philip ; and hav ing continued the pursuit until provisions were exhausted and all were tired out to no purpose, the Mohegans returned to their home, and Capt. Henchman marched his force to Mendon, meeting Capt. Mosely with sixty dragoons on the way with supplies. August 8, Capt. Henchman went down to Boston to get orders from the Governor and Council, and left most if not all his men at Mendon. (August 16, a part of them were in charge of Capt. Mosely, twelve of whom were detailed to Chelms- ford garrison by him.) Capt. Henchman received his instruc tions for future proceedings in a letter from Gen. Daniel Denison, commander-in-chief of Massachusetts Forces, given August 9th, 1675. This letter commanded him in brief to return to his men left at Pocasset, to fetch them and the " provisions and ammuni- sion " off. He was to advertise the Plymouth commander of this design, arid if said commander wished him to remain there, to await further orders from the Council ; otherwise to turn over the fort to the care of the Plymouth forces, and march his men to Boston and disband them until again called out by the Coun cil. In his march to Pocasset he was given authority to press horses and guides, or require them of the various constables of

HENCHMAN RETURNS TO BOSTON.

51

the towns passed, and on his return likewise. On his return he was to draw off the Massachusetts " souldjers " at Woodcock's garrison, and also at Mr. Hudson's house, unless he should deem it unsafe, Hudson ' being of our colony whom we are to take care of." Plymouth Colony preferred to take charge of the fort, and Capt. Henchman brought his soldiers home to Boston as com manded.

" It will be understood that the Soldiers of Plymouth Colony played an important part in this campaign, reaching the seat of war before those of Massachusetts ; arid the account of this will be given in separate chapters, after Massachusetts is finished. The letters of Rev. Noah Newman, Lieut. Nathaniel Thomas, Peter Hunt, and Mr. James Brown's part are all of interest and importance."

The following list, gathered from John Hull's Account-book, from date to date, and here arranged together, doubtless shows the Company which served under Capt. Henchman, in this campaign.

As to the spelling of the names, I have not departed in the least from the original. It must be remembered that the names were entered in the Journal from " Debentures " made by the clerks of companies, and the names at the first were entered on the company rolls as each man was understood to pronounce his own name, and unless the clerk was acquainted with the name, he spelled it by the easiest method ; hence many strange varia tions appear. The Ledger account often has two forms for the same name.

The list of Soldiers credited with Military Service under Capt. Daniel

Henchman.

Thomas Burges. John Hills. John Lewis. John Angel Benjamin Negus John Chapman. Robert Smith. William Manly. Thomas Irons. Samuel Perkins. Hugh Taylor. David Jones, •lames Whippo. Theophilus Thornton Nathaniel Osborne. Samuel Davis. Henry Kerby. Ephraim Hall.

August 20, 167.3.
02 06 02	Richard Gibson.	02 07 00
00 06 00	Thomas Williams. 02 07 00
01 14 03 01 15 02	Joseph Ford. Samuel Walles.	00 06 10 01 06 06
01 15 02 02 02 00 02 02 00	William Bently. Peter Edgerton. John Bull.	02 07 00 01 15 00 00 16 02
02 08 00	Richard Brooks.	02 00 00
02 07 00	John Barrett.	01 10 00
02 07 00 02 07 00 02 07 00	Joseph Fiske. Joseph Tucker. Israel Smith.	01 10 00 02 05 00 00 12 00
02 07 00	Samuel Ireson.	01 10 00
02 07 00 02 07 00	August James Dichetto.	21 1675 00 15 00
02 07 00 02 07 00	Jacob Gully. Isaac Ratt.	01 14 06 02 04 06
01 07 00	Samuel Veze (als	. Very) 02 07 00

PHILIP S WAR.

07 00 07 00 00 00 00 06 00 00 00 00 00

Samuel Daniel. 02

John Kemble. 02

John Russell. 02

Simon Groveling. 02

John Thorn. 02

Charles Damport. 01

Benjamin Bishop. 02

John Throp. 02

Solomon Watts. 02

Philip Coker. 02

John Jeffries. 02

Robert Wills. 02 07 00

Isaac'Morris. 02 07 00

Nicholas Weymouth. 02 07 00

Nathaniel Jewell. 02 07 00

Samuel Mirick. 01 04 00

William Parham. 02 08 00

Thomas Roberts. 02 04 06

August 27th or Ledger date 23d

John'Hubbard. 02 07 00

JohnTebb. 02 07 00 Henry Timberlake. Ser^ 02 00 00 ThomasHitchboruZ/rwmr01 11 00

John Taylor, Sergt. 02

Thomas Bishop. 00 Peter Bennett, Marshall. 01

Simeon Messenger. 01

John Polly. 01

John Essery. 02

Henry Harwood. Sergt. 03

Samuel Barber. 00

Phillip Jessop. 01

Charles Blincott. Sergt. 02

Isaac Amsdeu. 02

Henry Prentice. 02

John Streeter. 02

Abraham Hathaway. 02

James Johnson. Sergt 03 03

Isaac How. 01 11

Thomas Parker. 01 04 00

Joseph Peirce. 01 04 00

John Gates. 02 00 00

William Hopkins. 01 10 00

Ralph Hall, Clark 03 10 00

Thomas Wi<rfzl\,Ensigne 03 02 04

00 11 01 18 16 04 04 07 01 16

10 00 00 00 00 00 00 00

06 06 14 00

07 00 07 00 07 00 07 00

00 08

Richard Bennet. 02

Jobn Scopelin. 00

September 3d 1675

Josiah Arnold. 01

Wm Smallidge. 01.

John Bucknam. 01 Enoch Greeuleaf , Lieut. 04

Samuel Johnson. 03

William Drew. 02

William Hardin. 01

John Cray. 01

Nathaniel Fiske. 01

John Miller. 00

John King. 01

James Ogleby. 00

Rowland Soley. 01

Thomas Region. 01

Thomas Hiucher. 01

Joseph Smith 01

Thomas Aliston 02

George Burkback 01

Daniel Magenis. 01

Henry Eliott. 01

Thomas Okerby 01

John Hastings 01

Edward Weeden 01

John Wiseman 03

Sept 14th

Joseph Priest. 01

Nathaniel King. 02

John Pemberton. 01

Osbel Morrison. 02

John Cross 01

Perez Savage. Ensigne 02

Roger Procer. 01

Robert Orchard. Sergt 02 September 21, 1675

David Church. 01 Samuel Johnson, Butcher 01

Thomas Traine. Ebenezer Owen. Matthew Stone. Nathaniel Kean. Benjamin Tower Jonathan Dunning.

00 00 00 01 00 01

07 00 07 00

15 02 19 04 19 04

10 00 07 00 07 00 04 06 19 04 13 06

06 00

11 00

07 08 19 04 19 04 04 00 19 04

07 00 19 04 19 04 04 10 19 04

04 10 19 04

03 06

05 08 02 10 01 00 19 00

06 06

08 00

04 10 01 00

17 08

05 08 10 04 05 00

07 00 04 10 10 04 17 06

FURTHER SERVICE OF CAPT. HENCHMAN.

There was intensely bitter feeling about this time in Boston as to the way captive Indians should be treated. The interces sion of the venerable John Eliot and the strenuous advocacy of Capt. Gookin in their behalf, had created great animosity not

HENCHMAN'S FURTHER SERVICE. 53

only against themselves but all who advised moderate measures. Capt. Henchman seems to have been of the moderate party, and was therefore somewhat unpopular with most of the soldiers, and doubtless his apparent lack of success in the pursuit of Philip at Rehoboth added to this feeling with the people. But the court sustained and trusted him, and immediately reappointed him to service over one hundred men who met at Roxbury meeting house, but refused to march forth under his command, and demanded Capt. Oliver. The council compromised the matter and sent them Capt. Lake, but they are not credited with any service under him. Capt. Henchman seems to have been em ployed in August and September in regulating affairs in some of the outlying towns, and these men perhaps sei'ved as his patrol or guard.

Oct 5 1675

Richard Wood. 00 10 04

Ephraim Wilier, Corp1 02 05 00

Thomas May. 01 19 04

Michael Bearstow. 00 10 04

Thomas Webb. 01 19 04

Edward Dickinson. 02 07 00

Jacob Bullard. 01 18 06

Samuel Whitney. 01 18 06

John Shattock 01 02 00

Daniel Keniday. 01 17 08

September 27th we find him at Chelmsford garrison in com mand, as we see by the following letter of that date.

Capt. Henchman's Letter to the Governor.

Chelmsford Sept 27, '75. [This was Monday.! Hond Sr

In pursuance of my instructions ; I and my Lieut, met at Major Wil- lard's the last day of the week, with the Captaines of the severall townes directed to ; as well for the drawing of the Souldiers, as to ad vise with them ; for the first they promise they shall be sent to chelms- ford at an hours warning and so will be ready here by that time I have provission for them ; and that of absolute necessity for them will be powder shott biscake cheese and raisons, large and warme Wast-coats and drawers tobaco, some hatchets and a Chirurgion ; for the later the Major and rest of the officers will advise to no other motion than about this and other towns ; but I understanding the intent of the Hod Coun cil to be that I should march to Pennycooke although not named in my instructions ; I think it need full to acquaint your Hon™ there with, and desire your express there unto. I have not farther at present but to subscribe

Sr your Hon" humble Servant

(Mass. Archives, vol. 67, 269.) D. HENCHMAN.

Major Willard was of Lancaster, but his house was in Groton, at what is now Ayer Junction; and the date was Saturday, September 25th.

November 1st Capt. Henchman marched out of Boston towards Hassanameset (Graf ton) with a small body of men (20), and arrived at Medfield at 3 P.M. on the same day. The next morn ing he writes the Governor from that place.

54 KING PHILIP'S WAR.

Medfield Nov. 2d 1675 Hond Sr

My orders directing me to the several places and times that my souldiers were to be ready at, Speded my march accordingly; and reached this place yesterday by three of the clock afternoon ; and had with me only 20 men that marched from Boston with me — Since divers are come up, and all that at present I am like to have by nine of the clock last night. Several hear as well as myself have great thoughts how it fareth with Mendam, having not heard since they sent to Boston, I am hasting to march this morning but hoped if the men's refreshments had not given check to have been gon by moon rising, I cannot see by acct taken before I draw out that my number will amount to above 75, some sending short of what ordered and 37 discharged by order, I have not any officer but a Sergeant from Roxbury ; some men and the armes of others not fit for service, notwithstanding the strikt orders giveu by the Major. Our greatest danger (as I judged) if the enemy designs upon us this day, will be at a pass six miles from hence; the which I hope we shall look unto the Lord in the use of means to avoid ; some being to returne home this morning I thought it meet to give this acct. Begging your prayers for us I desire that all our supplications may be accepted for the Country and the interest of our Lord Jesus Christ therein ; and rest Hond Sr

Your humble Servant I). HENCHMAN.

[This is in a P. S.]

When the Lord shall have brought us safe to Meiidam I shall attend the Major's orders there and wait for the recruits intended me.

As will be seen by the above letter, the captain expected recruits to be ready and meet him at certain towns on the way, and was disappointed in receiving none, and also with the unfit- ness of those that came up afterwards, and in answer to this letter, the Court, on November 3d, ordered the " Major of Suffolk to send out of his regiment eighteen able men armed and furnished with ammunition and provision for ten days under the conduct of a fitt person to make Lieftenaiit," to recruit Capt. Henchman's company and search out the enemy at Hassanameset. The lieutenant chosen was probably Philip Curtis, of Roxbury, who was killed before he received his formal commission, I pre sume, as no order for his commission is found.

Capt. Henchman marches to Mendon, arrives on the 2d at 4 P.M., and writes immediately that they " arrived all safe and found the t-owne in like condition," and " pressed four horses for Scouts to send to Hassanemeset." He found the inhabitants " drawn into two houses," and " in a pestered condition," and holds frequent meetings with them in order to prevail upon them to remain at Mendon contented. This and frequent scouting and reports took up his time until the arrival of the men from Boston.

It seems also from this letter that he had not yet heard from Capt. Sill, as it was proposed, and was preparing to send his

AT HASSAXAMESET.

55

soldiers home to Boston ; was intending that morning sending all his troopers, eight in number and three files of men ; but he gets orders from the Council by messengers from Capt. Sill. In order to meet Capt. Sill, fourteen miles away, he is forced to change a file of men with the garrison on account of their destitution of "clothes and shoes/'

On the 9th, with his lieutenant and twenty-two mounted men, he rides to Hassanameset, and has a fight there, of which he writes the details on the 10th. In his letter he relates that his lieutenant, Philip Curtis, is killed, and Thomas Andrews also (one of the Mendon garrison) ; and mentions that his corporal, Abiell Lamb, outran himself in the attack, and that all his own and the lieutenant's men ran away from him in the fight except (one of his " old souldiers," as he thinks) Jonathan Dunning.

The following list embraces those wlio served under Capt. Henchman from November 2d, and were credited November 30, as will be seen by the credits. The service was brief. Amongst these were eight troopers, which may explain in part the differ ence in credits.

November Edward Barton. Isaac Heath. Henry Kirby. Jeremiah Wise. Benjamin Negus. John Leech. James White. John Good. Joseph Baternan. Edward E/veret. Richard Francis. John Kemble. Experience Orris. Samuel Ryall. Joseph Gridley. William Bodkin. William Hooper. John Tuckermau. John Canu.

30th

00 01

1675

01 05 08 00 16 02

00 17 02

01 00 06 17 02 19 04

00 17 02 00 17 02 00 17 02 00 07 02

02 00 00 00 17 02 00 17 02

00 10 04

01 05 06 00 17 02 00 17 02

00 17 02

01 00 00

William Price. William Davenport. Thomas Smith. Joseph Bugby. Samuel Gardner. Simon Rogers Abiel Lamb. Richard Woods. Degory Sargent. Josiah Mann. John Malony. Francis Siddall. Hugh Price. James Harrington. Benjamin Gamlin. Isaac Morris. Josiah Holland. Joseph Wilson. Samuel Ruggles. Philip Curtis, Lieut.

00 14 06 00 17 02 00 17 02 00 11 02 00 17 02 00 17 02 00 19 02 00 17 02 00 17 02

00 17 02

01 19 04 01 19 04 00 17 02

00 17 02

01 00 00 00 17 02 00 17 02 00 17 02 00 17 02 00 17 03

On November the 12th the Council ordered Major Willard to send forthwith twelve troopers to Capt. Henchman.

Many of the soldiers were now withdrawn and placed in garri son, and all available were pressed and mustered for the Narra- ganset campaign. Capt. Henchman's men were many returned home with him.

Among the soldiers impressed in Boston for the Narragansett campaign, Dec. 3d, 1675, were the following from Capt. Hench man's local company : James Whipple, Samuel Jenkins, Walter

56

KING PHILIP'S WAK.

December 20th	1675
Joshua Silverwood.	01 18 06
John Sherman.	01 18 06
John Corbin.	00 16 02
Henry Tite. Simon Yates.	01 16 02 00 10 00
Thomas Birch.	00 06 10
John Pierpont. John Necks.	00 16 02 01 14 02
John Griggs. Thomas Lawrence.	00 11 02 00 07 06
Joshua Atherton.	00 07 06
William Briggs. Nicholas Gray. Isaac Hubbard.	00 06 10 00 16 02 00 16 02
James Draper. January 25 1675. (N William Goswell.	00 16 02 .S. 1676.) 00 16 02

Cohone, James White, Thomas Jones, Thomas Stains, John Dereing, Robert Emory, Ralph Powel for Mr. James Lloyd, Francis Cooke for Mr. William Larrison. (Mass. Archives, vol. 68, 86.)

Onesiphorus Tilston. 00 06 10 Thomas Jones. 00 16 02

Samuel Burnall. 00 16 02

John Spurr. 00 16 10

Lawrence White. 00 16 02

Thomas Cheyuey. 00 16 02

Thomas Bridentine. 00 16 02 Robert Woodward. 01 02 03

February 29, 1675-6 Joseph Bodman. 00 08 09

William Lyon. 00 10 04

John Parker. 00 16 02

March 24, 1676

William Elliot. 00 16 02

Joseph Clark. 00 09 04

April 24, 1676

Hugh Clark. 00 07 00

Thomas North. 01 13 04

Among the soldiers in the above lists were probably the twelve troopers sent out by order of the Council on November 12, 1675, and those who did not return to Boston until the later dates. It was the custom, I find, to punish the men by fines, and some times their pay would be withheld for several months, until on petition to the Council it would be paid, if the officer who com plained of their misconduct would recommend leniency and sign their " debenture " or bill for service rendered. On the minutes of the Council, of which a few fragments are preserved in the Mass. Archives, I find several instances of this kind ; one in the case of Magnus White, whose name occurs later, and one in a quaint letter from one Jonathan Adderton (Atherton), which declares that Capt. Henchman wrongfully accused him of " profa nation of ye Sabbath," when his only offence was the cutting up of an old hat and putting the pieces in his shoes to relieve his galled foot, &c. Many of the above will be recognized as of Roxbury and Dorchester.

On December 12, the Commissioners of the United Colonies voted to strengthen the garrisons with such of the soldiers as were able and willing to remain for that service during the winter, and to dismiss others to their homes.

Jan. 11. " It was ordered by the Council that the Garrison Souldjers at Chelmsford, Billerica, Groaten, Lancaster, Marl- borough, and Sudbury, under Major Willard, be discharged forthwith, and sent home ; " and at the same time it was voted to

AT WASHAKOM PONDS. 57

pay them "two months' pay on their returne." This may have been done at the request of the people in the above-named towns, because we know that in many cases these garrison soldiers be came very obnoxious to the citizens, as will be seen when we come to the lists at the garrisons, hereafter. I presume this ser vice of withdrawal and settlement of soldiers was under the special charge of Capt. Henchman, who then, I think, retired from active service until the 27th of the next April.

In the latter part of May, 1676, the forces under Capt. Hench man were called together again. These had been impressed by order of the Council, April 27, and released to do their planting until such time as wanted. They were mustered at Concord, at this time, an important military post, whence he writes on June 2d, that " Tom Doublet went away soon after Mr. Clark, and with him Jona. Prescott, Daniel Champney & Josiah White, carrying the pay for Goodman Moss, and 3 gallons of Rum." They marched out towards Brookfield to join the Connecticut forces on the 27th, but on information received from this same Tom Doublet (an Indian), turned aside and had a fight with the Indians at Washakom Ponds ; and this affair detained them so that they did not reach Hadley until the 14th, when they joined the Connecticut forces in the campaign on the Connecticut River.

Capt. Henchman marched down towards Boston from Hadley the last of June, and his letter, written on the way, describes the homeward march.

Capt. Henchman's Letter of June 30th, 1676.

Our scouts brought intelligence that all the Indians were in a con tinual motion, some toward Narhaganset, others towards Watchuset. shifting gradually, and taking up each others quarters, and lay not above a night in a place. They brought in two Squaws, a Boy and a Girl, giving account of five slain. Yesterday, they brought in an old Fellow, Brother to a Sachem, six Squaws and Children, having killed five men, and wounded others, if not killed them, as they supposed by the Blood found in the Way, and a Hat shot through. These and the other inform, that Philip and the Narhagansets were gone several Days before to their own Places. Philip's purpose being to do what Mischief he could to the English. By advice I drew a commanded party under the conduct of Capt. Sill. viz. Sixteen files of English, all my Troop, and the Indians, excepting one File, being all we could make provision for ; for what with the falling short of the Bread promised us, and a great deal of what we had proving mouldy, the Rest of the Forces had but one Bisket a Man, to bring them to this Place. This Party were ordered towards Watchuset. and so to Nashaway and Washnkom Ponds, where we have notice Indians were and so to return to this Place. Where by your Honour's Letter that came to me Yesterday Morning, I understood that Provision was ordered for us ; and which we found to our great Relief last Night, coming hither, Weary and Hungry. The commanded Party we left at Quonsigumon, where they intended to stay a while for the last Scouts we sent out : eleven

58

KING PHILIP'S WAR.

Prisoners we had in all ; two of the oldest, by Counsel we put to Death, the other Nine the Commissary is ordered to convey to Boston, with Baggage, Horses and some of their Attendants for the Service.

DANIEL HENCHMAN.

On June 24 there seems to have been a general settlement with all soldiers for service up to this summer campaign. Some were paid in cash by the treasurer, but mostly they were paid in part by the towns where they lived. The following lists probably contain most of the names of those who marched out and served in this campaign, with Capt. Henchman :

June 24, 1676. Magnus White. 01

Joseph Lyon. 04

July 24, 1676. John Chub. " 02

Daniel Hawes. 01

Hugh Taylor. 05

Joseph Procter. 00

John Moore. 01

Thomas Wheeler. 00 Richard Scott. Cornett 08

George Stedman. 01

Jonathan Atherton. 04

Jacob Hill. 04

James Cheevers. 02

John Oyne. 02

William Keene. 04

James Franklin. 04

Joseph Richeson. 03

Justinian Holding. 02

Denis Sihy. 02

Thomas North. 04

Thomas Robinson. 05

Robert Ernes. 05

Richard Browne. 03

Francis Woolfe. 01

Joseph Garfield. 01

Jonn Floyd, Lieut. 12

Jonathan Sprague. 04

Benjamin Muzzye. 02

Thomas Adams 04 Francis Cooke. 2 items 04

John Stone. 01

Patrick Morren. 06

09 00 11 08

00 00

06 06

00 00

17 00

14 00 08 04 17 00

16 08

00 00

17 00 11 00 11 00

18 06 18 06

01 08

11 00 18 09

02 10

12 00 01 05

03 04

15 08

10 00 17 02 01 05

11 05 17 00

04 02 10 10 08 06

William Healy. 02 11 06 SimonGroves(als.G-row)03 12 10

John Polly. 01 11 08

John Kendall. 00 17 00

Ephraim Regimant. 03 17 11

Benjamin Rice. 03 17 11

September 23d 1676.

Joshuah Sawyer. 03 07 00

James Sawyer. 03 01 05

Jacob Willar. 12 05 08

John Winter. 01 02 10

John Tolman. 00 07 00

James Cutler. 01 04 03

Nathaniel Adams. 01 02 06

James White. 00 15 08

Joseph Browne. 01 10 00

John Browne. 03 05 08

Samuel Edmons. 02 11 05

John Greenland. 02 02 08

John Pinder. 05 00 00

John Redman. 02 14 00 Abraham Wilkinson. 01 10 10

James Bayly. 02 11 03

Daniel Ruff. 04 17 00

John Gibson. 03 11 00

Richard Wood. 02 17 00

Josiah White. 02 04 03

John Adams. 03 15 06

Joseph Bucknam. 00 14 03

John Stedman. 03 17 02

James Miller. 05 02 06

Jonathan Hill. 02 11 05

James Patterson. 02 11 05

Thomas How. 02 11 05

Richard Scott. 00 08 06

The Indians who served our side were not regularly credited, and so, with few exceptions, their " debentures " are not found. Their names and service will form a separate article.

Pocasset Swamp, where Fort Leverett was built, lies in the present town of Tiverton, R.I.

II.

CAPT. SAMUEL MOSELY AND HIS COMPANY.

MANY will be interested to know something in the beginning, of the remarkable character whose name stands at the head of this company.

The family name was Maudesley, of Lancashire, England. In the fall of 1635 Henry Maudesley came from England to Massa chusetts in the ship Hopewell, Capt. Babb, master.

Henry Maudesley was granted "about a quarter-acre of land " in Dorchester " neere Goodman Munninge's," but lived at Brain- tree, and had children born there — Mary, Sept. 29, 1638, and Samuel, June 14, 1641. He had 12 acres of land at Mt. Wollas- ton granted him "for three heads," February 24, 1639-40, was of Artillery Co. 1643, and freeman in 1646. In 1652 he lived in Boston, and had the lot on the corner of the present Union and Hanover Streets.

The name Maudesley appears in some of the earliest records as Modsley, Mosley, Mozley, Mosseley ; finally settling down to * Mosely. Samuel's signature, in every case known to me, is Mosley, while Addington, Rawson, and other colonial officials give it Mosely. I have adopted this last form.

Samuel Mosely married Ann Addington (born March 10, 1647, daughter of the first Isaac and sister of the Hon. Isaac). They were married previous to May 30, 1665, for on that date Samuel Mosely and his wife Ann sign a deed to John Conney, conveying a piece of land in " Windmill Field," which land Ann inherited from her father, who had died in 1653. Samuel is designated cooper, Conney also was a cooper ; and I judge from an old receipt for a bill of cooperage, signed by Conney and Mosely together, that they were in company in that business in 1673.

In 1668 he was one of the commissioners sent by the Court to treat with the sachems of the Narragansets, in company with Richard Wayt and Capt. Wright, and in the record is called " Captain."

The author of " The Present State of New England," etc., says : " This Capt. Mosely hath been an old Privateer at Jamaica, an excellent soldier, and an undaunted spirit, one whose memory will be honorable in New England for his many eminent services

60 KING PHILIP'S WAR.

he hath done the Public/' This may have been the authority upon which Mr. Savage bases his statement that Mosely " visited Jamaica in the way of trade, and the adventurous spirit was excited and schooled, perhaps by Sir Henry Morgan and his associate Buccaneers ; the result of which was his bringing home to Boston two prizes taken from some unmentioned enemy." From these hints and various other circumstances I am satisfied that he was in command of some ship previous to 1668. I notice that Isaac Addington, father of Mosely's wife, was commander of the ship "Ann and Joane " in 1652.

I have found, after a long search, the following old account of Treasurer Russell's estate, presented by James Russell, Executor, October 20, 1676.

The Country is Debtor to

the huire of ye Katch Salsbury, Samuel Mosely Commdr from

March 16, 1673 to Aprill 27, 1674 at 24£ pr moneth . £33 12s.

Pd for wages to the Salsbury's Mr & 47 men . 76 01

Pd Capt Mosely for disbursem'8 on the Salsbury . 23 10

Pd Capt Mosely for Water bucketts for ye Katch Swallow 00 19

These two " Katches," with the ship " Anthony," were fitted out and sent forth by the colony to protect our commerce, and in this time were engaged in cruising about Nantucket and vicinity.

He must have had notable experience from the facts of the affair of the " two prizes," mentioned above, which from various materials collected from the court files and archives, I am now able to explain. This matter was fully set forth in an excellent article published by the late C. W. Tuttle, Esq. For several years previous to 1675, Boston merchants had been greatly troubled by " Dutch Pirates," as they were called. The mer chants had several times petitioned the Court for a " commission of Order and Reprisal," which that cautious body had steadily refused. Several times the merchants had armed their vessels and taken the matter of " Reprisal" into their own hands, as in the matter of the Dutch ship " Expectation ; " and upon complaint made by the Dutch authorities, these merchants were called to account by the Boston Court. At last, in December, 1674, several small English vessels were captured at the Eastward by the Dutch, joined with some English renegades from the Massa chusetts Colony. The place of the capture was " near Mt. Desart Islles." One of these vessels belonged to John Freake of Boston, the others to Waldron of Dover and Shapley of Kittery. Upon the report of these depredations and the petition of the mer chants, a Commission of Reprisal was granted by the Court, February 15, 1674-5, an expedition was immediately fitted out, and by the request of the merchants Capt. Samuel Mosely was put in command. Sailing out, his ship fell in with a French

THE DUTCH PIKATES. 61

vessel which he impressed into his service, and soon met the Dutchmen. They had three vessels, the " Edward & Thomas," principal ship, of which the commander of the pirates, Peter Roderigo, was captain. The second was called, in the appraisal, the " Penobscot Shallopp that Roads went out in," and was com manded by Cornelius Anderson. The third was the vessel captured from Mr. Freake, " The Shallopp called Philipp," and now in charge of Peter Grant and its proper skipper, George Manning, who had been wounded in its capture, and was about to be turned adrift in his boat by the pirates, when in considera tion of his promise of good behavior he was reinstated and allowed to sail his own craft in convoy of the others under Dutch colors ; and now, when Capt. Mosely came to the attack, Manning at once turns his arms upon his captors and assists in their capture ; and in their defence before the Court the pirates complain bitterly of the usage of Capt. Mosely in fighting them under the three colors, English, French and Dutch all at once, and the treachery of Maiming. The pirates were captured, and were brought into Boston April 2, 1675, Mr. Freake's vessel restored to him, and the others confiscated by the Court for expenses, etc. The pirates were imprisoned to await trial in May, 1675. The prisoners were Peter Roderigo, commander ; Cornelius Anderson, consort; John Rhodes, Thomas Mitchell, Randall Judson, Edward Yourings, Richard Fowler, Peter Grant, John Williams, John Thomas (Tomas or Tombs). A few words more will explain who these men were.

In October, 1674, Capt. Jurian Aronson (Arnouson), com mander of the Dutch Privateer " Flying-Post-Horse,of Currassow," returning from the destruction of two French forts and settle ments at the Eastward, viz., " Penabskop " (Penobscott) and St. John, came to Boston and asked of the Governor permission to enter the harbor to " repaire," etc. When he sailed away he left a part of his crew, viz. : " Peter Rodrigo, ' Flanderkin ' : Corne lius Anderson, Dutchman," three Englishmen who had belonged at Boston, John Rhoades, Randall Judson, Peter Grant ; Richard Fowler, who belonged at Muscongus; and a "Cornishman" named John Williams, who had been taken prisoner by the Dutch and carried to " Currisaw," and came hither with Capt. Arnouson. Rhodes, " principal," Fowler, Grant and Judson, hired Thomas Mitchell of Maiden, and a vessel of which he was part owner, for a " trading voyage to the Eastward ; " and also another, the Shallop. It would seem that the vessels went in at Casco, and the crew captured some sheep at " Mountjoys Island " (now Peak's), belonging to Mr. Mountjoy. (Fowler testified that Mitchell approved this action, but he denied it, though con fessing that he " ate of the mutton."

Rodrigo commanded the " Edward and Thomas," and Anderson the " Penobscott Shallopp." Rodrigo had some sort of commis-

62 KING PHILIP'S WAR.

sion from Arnouson (which one of them testified was " written at the * Beare ' and had three seals on it "). Anderson had a copy of this without seals. Mitchell testified that he opposed their acts of piracy. Edward Youring testified that he went out with Mitchell and had no part in piracy, and both these were discharged under bonds for appearance. John Toinas was a boatswain who had come to Boston formerly in the ship " William and Jane," and was with Anderson, and was accused of shooting a Frenchman, but denied, though admitting that he "shot at him." Tomas and Williams were taken in Anderson's vessel. Manning's crew con sisted of James De Beck (who was a principal witness against the pirates, and tells a pitiful story of their abuse), a Frenchman and a boy.

Roderigo (often written Odrigoe), as will appear hereafter, served a long time under Capt. Scottow at Black Point and at the eastward. Anderson was the famous " Cornelius the Dutch man."

Great excitement prevailed in the colony during this trial. The Dutchmen made an able defence, producing their commission under William, Prince of Orange (but which was found to be from their former skipper Arnouson), and alleging the infringe ment of the law of nations by our vessels in trading with the French at the eastward, with whom the Dutch were at war.

There is evidence in the trial, as in the subsequent action of the Court, of much popular sympathy for the Dutch prisoners, while the most bitter hostility was expressed against the English renegades. Five were convicted of piracy and condemned to death ; but under the stress of the opening war execution was deferred. Anderson was acquitted. Upon his petition, Rodrigo was soon pardoned and released, and served faithfully against the Indians. Fowler was pardoned in October. The sentence of the others, Rhodes, Grant and Judson, after several months' im prisonment, was commuted to banishment out of the country on condition of giving security for prison charges and transportation. / It will be easy to see that Capt. Mosely, the hero of the suc-

** cessful enterprise, would naturally become at once the most notable man in the colony, and when in the midst of his success the Indian war broke out, he would be looked to at once as a popular leader. But he held no military office, and not even his success and popularity, and close family relation to Gov. Lev- erett, could prevail to break the strict rule of official succession in the colonial militia ; so that the only course left him was, per haps, that which suited him best, the organization of an indepen-

\/ dent company of Volunteers. " Within three hours," says the old historian, "there were enlisted 110 volunteers." Among these were many of his old "privateers," i.e. those who had served with him in his expedition, and several of the released pirates.

CAPT. MOSELY'S VOLUNTEERS. 63

From a close comparison of these following lists with the Bos ton tax-lists for 1674, and from other sources, I find that many of his soldiers were apprentices or servants, and probably many boys not yet enrolled in the militia, and therefore not subject to impressment. Several of the names would seem to indicate a sprinkling of Frenchmen, and a contemporary writer relates that the ten or twelve privateers had several dogs with them which rendered valuable service in "finding out the enemy in their swamps." By reason of the loss of the first thirteen pages of the Journal, the names previous to August 21 have to be gathered from the Ledger, and therefore I had to make a close study of many of the names, but have no doubt of any set down below, with the possible exception of Eph"1 Regeman and Moses Knap, and with these I deem the evidence sufficient to justify me in putting them in under Mosely.

It will be noticed that only seventy-five men are credited below for services in this campaign. There is no doubt that more went with him, and we can readily see that many of the transient adventurers, especially if sailors, would be gone before the Court got ready to pay them off regularly. On August 4th Capt. Mosely was paid .£50 by the Court " for his souldiers," and November 20th £50 more ; while up to December 10 he had only accounted to the treasurer by receipts from his men for .£27, but in the meantime had made no charge for his own military service, and I judge that he may have paid off many who followed him in this brief service at Mount Hope, as their occasion demanded or his convenience suited, without any formal " Debenter " or bill. Thus Cornelius Anderson is not mentioned at all, and doubtless many others were settled with by Capt. Mosely, and no account rendered. There is no indication that he misappropriated the colony's funds, but was probably free-handed with his soldiers and careless in his accounts, and when Capt. Gookin and others complained of his high-handed cruelty towards the Indians, there was no hint of any indirection in regard to his conduct in money matters. I doubt that he had one hundred and ten men, as stated in the " Old Indian Chronicle," but think there may have been many more than are here set down. From some indications I am led to think that many of his men did not return with him to Boston, but joined the Plymouth forces and remained in the service there.

Names of those who were credited with military Service under Capt Mosely in June & July 1675 at M* Hope.

August 9. 1675

£ s. d.

Robert Webb. 01 07 06

John Bordecot. 01 07 06

William Perry. 01 07 06

£ s. d.

Robert Miles. 01 07 06

Thomas Austin. 01 07 06

Moses Knap. 02 00 00

64

KING PHILIPS WAK.

£ s. d.	£ s. d.
01 07 06 01 07 06 01 07 06	September 3d. Joshua Winslow, Lieut. Cusbe Ebitt.	03 06 06 01 01 00
	Edward Reade.	01 07 06
01 03 00	Thomas Woodmott.	01 07 06
01 07 06 01 07 06 01 07 06 01 02 06 01 07 06 01 02 06	Roger Kenicott. 01 12 00 September 14th Roger Jones. 01 07 06 Rowland Soley. 01 04 00 William Smallidg. 01 04 00 John Pemberton. 01 01 00
01 01 06	Robert Kenicott.	02 05 00
01 01 06	Josiah Hilman.	04 08 08
	John Tombs.	03 06 00
02 07 00	John Steevens.	03 00 00
02 04 06	John Size.	01 12 00
01 07 06 01 19 06 02 02 00 01 07 06	September 21st Depon Frenchman. George Burbeck William Brookes	01 00 06 01 00 06 02 05 00
01 07 06	William Smith	02 15 06
01 07 06	William Pasmore.	01 07 04
01 07 06 01 07 06	September 28th. John Cross.	01 04 00
01 07 06 01 16 00	George Cray. Sept 30th Jacob Bullard.	01 01 06 02 03 09
01 08 00	Oct 19th
02 04 06 00 18 06	Timothy Horton John Cross.	02 00 00 01 10 00
00 18 00 00 10 06	Richd Barnam, Corp1 05 12 00 October 26th 1675
02 07 00	Richard Eyres Robert Woodward	01 04 00 01 00 00
02 04 06	Derrnan Morris.	02 17 04
01 11 00	Robert Dawes	04 18 06
00 12 00	Isaac Sheffeild.	03 03 04
01 07 06	Daniel Matthewes.	02 00 00
01 07 06	John Baker	02 14 00
01 07 06	Samuel Browne	04 18 06
01 07 06	Samuel Messey	01 07 06

John Wilson. Robert Street. Thomas Tidy.

August 14 William Pollard. Joseph Pollard. John Hands. William Harvey. Samuel Gold. Joseph Souther. Alexander Forbs. William Green. Joseph Plaisted.

August 20th Ephraim Regiman. John Coke. Jonathan Nichols. Richard Nevill. Benjamin Phillips. John Brandon. Joseph Sexton. Timothy Horton. James Lendall. Samuel Lane.

August 21. Plandian Decro. Jacob Allin, Ensigne. Thomas James, Seryt. Aaron Stephens. John Holman. Samuel Peacock. John Drury. Thomas Gross.

August 27th Robert Foster. William Dean. Manoah Bodman. Francis Burges. William Jones. Thomas Clark. Phillip Sandy.

In old Boston Tax-lists, 1674, the names Austin, Hands, Horton, Decro and Woodmott appear as Alliston, Hams, Hort- man, Splandy decro, Woodnet. A petition of John Stevens (Archives, vol. 67) states that he was " shot in the arm " in this service.

In the Archives, vol. 68, page 198, there is a petition from Samuel Holman saying that his servant Edward Sampson went out to Mt. Hope under Captain Mosely, and complains that

MOSELY MARCHES TO MOUNT HOPE. 65

"instruments of chirurgery of his have been prest for the use of Moseley's chirurgeori, and afterwards a whole box of the same for Doctor Wells when he went to Narragansett, which are now delivered to Dr. Gerrish." Then himself prest to go out under Capt. Wadsworth, had to send his said servant, costing him X14, and then his servant was put under Capt. Turner.

I find that several of the names are credited with service under other captains. Thus, John Cross has credit under Henchman, September 14, George Burkback (Burbeck, Berbeck), September 3 and October 19, under Lieut. Brattle. William Brooks under Prentice, August 27. Several are credited as " guards," and may have been in service as scouts and guides, and so credited under the captains with whom each service was ren dered. With these exceptions I think the above, together with some others whose names are now lost, undoubtedly made up the motley company of " Volunteers " with which Capt. Mosely marched out of Boston, probably early in the morning of June 27th, and overtook the troops of Henchman and Prentice, wait ing for them at " Woodcock's," in the afternoon ; and then all marched on and arrived at Swanzy, and quartered at Mr. Miles's Garrison-House close to the bridge leading to Mount Hope. Gen. Cudworth of the Plymouth forces was commander-in-chief. The reports of the events immediately following their arrival are somewhat conflicting. Some account of the general movement of the troops has been given in the former chapter. If any one , reads only the " Old Indian Chronicle " aforesaid, it will seem as '" v if Capt. Mosely was the only officer engaged, and that his men did all the fighting ; but the accounts therein were the first un digested rumors that came back from the army, and are not con firmed by Hubbard, or Church, or Mather. The action of the troopers on the afternoon of the 28th belongs to the next chapter, on Capt. Prentice. The repulse they received greatly elated the Indians, who appeared next morning shouting their defiant chal lenge to ours to come across the bridge and fight them. Taking the several accounts, the following is probably near the truth : Capt. Mosely with his volunteers charged across the bridge and pursued the Indians to the woods. The regular troops followed and formed in line to sweep the neck by marching with both wings of the line extended. This, Church says, was so clumsily performed that the two wings encountered and fired upon each other, and Perez Savage, Capt. Henchman's ensign, was wounded. Philip fled before our troops, and with his people escaped across the Mattapoisett River to Pocasset. The volunteers took a prom inent part in the scouting movements of the next few days, then marched, July 5th, with the Massachusetts forces, to the Narra-

finsett country, and returned back with them on July 15th to ehoboth, and when on the 18th it was decided to withdraw all the Massachusetts troops except Capt. Henchman's, they

66 KING PHILIP'S WAR.

returned to Boston and were disbanded, probably about July 20th.

No further credits appear under Capt. Mosely until December 10, yet during all the time from his return from Mt. Hope he had been in almost constant service, which it may be well for us to follow, as it is probable that most of his men credited on that date had served with him to the time. On August 7, with 60 dragoons he met Capt. Henchman's tired troops marching towards Mendon, having been sent to them with supplies. (Capt. Thomas's letter in Mather's Brief History says, " We met Capt. Mosely marching from Providence up after us.") When Capt. Henchman went next day to Boston for orders, Mosely was left in command at Mendon, and most of Henchman's men were left with him. Within a few days he was ordered to march to Quaboag (Brookfield), where he continued awhile scouting, etc. In a note endorsing a bill of William Locke, chirurgeon of the Massachusetts forces in the Mount Hope campaign, Mosely says that after Capt. Henchman went to Boston, " he took sd Locke into his company, and from Mendon marched to Malbury and thence to Quaboag." Capt. Lathrop being senior officer, with drew Locke to his forces ; and I find a Court Order (vol. 67, Archives) to Dr. William Hawkins, August 17, 1675, "to join Mosely at Malbrow."

On August 16th he wrote a letter to the Governor, which explains his movements, situation, etc.

ffrom Nashowah Allies Lankestor 16th August 1675. Honored Sir

Yesterday I spayred Capt. Beeres 26 our men to march with him to Sprinkefeild & it was with Major Willard ordder and I have also Accordinge to my orders from Major General Denison Sentt to Dunstable fort to Inlearge there gard 18 men & to Groatton 12 men & to Chelmsford 12 men out of those y* ware under Capt Hinksmans & of those y1 Caime with me : Also last nightt about Seaven A clocke we martched into Nashowah wheare we are Att present butt shall as soon as the Constable haith prest us a dozen Horses proseed for Groatton & so to Chensford : according to the order Major Willard gave me yesterday Att Quoah-bawge ; The day before I came from Quoahbaugh — I martched I(n) company with Capt Beeres & Capt Laytrop to the Swap where they left mee & tooke theire martch to Sprinkfilld and a soone as they ware gon I tooke my martch Into the woods about 8 mills beyond the Swftpe where Capt Huttcheinson and the rest ware y4 ware wounded & killed & so returned to follow the enemy as above saide ; also we did find A prsell of wigwoms beyond the Swaimp about 20 which we burnt &c. our Majr having a Seartayne Intelligence of a considerable party of Indians yl have gathered too- gather a littell above Chensford which I hope wee shalbe up with this night or toMorrough at furthest & if it pleese God I come up with them God assisting me I will cloosely ingadge with them & God spearing my

MENDON TO "BLOODY BKOOK." 67

life I shall as opportunity gives leave Acquaint your hofmor of my Actions; I have with me butt 60 men at present; so desiring your prosperity & yl it may please God to preserve your Honour in good health and humbly beseach your prayers to God for my Good Suckses in this my undertaking with My Humbell Searvis &c in all deuttyfull- ness I subscribe myself your Respective kinsman & Humble Searvantt

SAMUELL MOSLEY my Cosson Leverett ppresents his Deuty to yor Honour & my Antt.

Between Aug. 9th and 16th he had inarched from Mendon to Brookfield, where he distributed his men as above. On the 17th he probably marched towards Chelmsford as proposed, but on the 22d some of the Nipmuck Indians fell upon Lancaster and killed seven or nine inhabitants, and the next day the people sent for Capt. Mosely and told him of their suspicions of the Hassanemesit Indians (friendly or Praying Indians) then living under super vision in a sort of fort at Marlborough. Capt. Mosely hastily marched to the fort and seized eleven (or according to Major Gookin's account fifteen) of the Indians, " pinioned " them and bound them neck to neck and sent them down to Boston for trial. Of the fifteen only eleven were accused ; all were finally found s innocent & acquitted, and Capt. Mosely's proceeding severely '" criticised by the Court and his superior officers. Majr Gookin believed that the people instigated suspicions " in order to secure the land of the Indians." After sending these prisoners down on August 30th, Capt. Mosely marched up the Merrimac as far as Pennacook (Concord, N.H.) to the home of the peaceful Wannalancet, where he was prepared to repeat the late trans action ; but the Pennacooks had quietly withdrawn and eluded him. He burnt their village and stores of food, and marched back. Capt. Mosely's course was not approved, and the Court immediately sent messengers to win back the friendship of Wannalancet.

The next we hear of Capt. Mosely is on September 14, when he marched into Hadley with sixty Bay soldiers, and thence to Deerfield, where he was quartered and scouting on the 18th, when hearing the guns of the attack on Capt. Lathrop at Bloody Brook, he hurried with seventy men to join the fight, and though too late to prevent the terrible disaster, he and his men attacked the great body and " charged them through and through" several times, chasing them seven miles or more. Lieutenants Savage and Pickering especially distinguished themselves for their daring. Finally, after long and severe fighting, but strangely enough, with a loss of only two killed and eight or nine wounded, they were being forced slowly back ward by great numbers, when Major Treat with a force of Connecticut troops and Indians came up and joined them, and before these united forces Philip retreated in haste.

68 KING PHILIP'S WAR.

In regard to the killed and wounded I have the names. John Gates, and Peter Barren. The will of the latter shows that he was the servant of Elias Hendly of Marblehead, and was pressed to go against the Indians. Will was probated Nov. 26, 1675. A petition of Richard Russ, in the Mass. Archives, declares, " I